谈东北民间剪纸艺术价值的研究

通过对东北民间剪纸艺术的渊源进行阐述,分析了东北民间剪纸艺术的审美价值和精神价值,指出东北民间剪纸艺术不仅是一种民间乡土艺术,更是一种文化,艺术的发展需要在继承它的同时不断创新发展下去。     

基于历史文化保护的广州旧城更新探索--以广州民间金融街为例

本文对比国内外常见的旧城更新模式,结合广州民间金融街的改造更新实践,提出了基于历史文化保护的广州旧城更新的相关策略与规划设计方法。     

“多元共生”——青海乡土民居建筑文化多样性研究

青海地处西北游牧与农耕的交汇处,民族文化多元,是我国中原文化、藏传佛教文化、伊斯兰文化融合交流的典型地区。通过对青海乡村环境的调研及民居测绘,系统分析了青海多元民族民居建筑文化的多样性,总结出各民族聚落及住居空间形态特征。指出建筑文化多样性源于地区自然地理环境、生产生活方模式及民族宗教文化自然与人文环境综合作用的结果。     

从儒家教育思想看人文教育的基本内涵——以《礼记·学记》为诠释中心

以《礼记·学记》为中心的儒家教育思想,对于人文教育的贡献主要表现在三个方面:其一,从尽心知性的精神中表现其宗教情怀;其二,从开而弗达的理论中表现其学求自得;其三,从退息居学的生活中表现其持敬存养。这三者相互联系、相互影响,最后完成了儒家对人文教育的化民成俗功能之建构。     

民间美术造型在地域性商业宣传中的符号构置探析

以民间美术造型在地域商业宣传中的符号构置为主要探讨对象,通过对其价值释义、符号践行以及表述价值的动态转化分析,结合辽宁地域入选国家非物质文化遗产名录的"医巫闾山"满族剪纸为实例解读,阐述这种有意味符号构置形态所呈现出的地域性人文风貌,提出了地域性民间美术造型研究的意义和审美向度,以及这种良性基因潜移在地域性广告创意构思过程中的合理性。     

解析中国民间图案色彩的传承

通过总结中国民间图案色彩独特鲜明的特点,以艺术生态观去解剖民间色彩并阐述了古为今用原则作为艺术创新指南的重要性,在此基础上以论证形式讨论了传统是文化的基础与民间色彩的"源"和"流"的关系。进而得出结论,尊重传统,光大基础,传承精华,在全球化的过程中,中华民族文化与艺术,需要得到继承和发展,民族的才是世界的。     

传统民间生产与生活器具设计探析

分类介绍了传统民间生产与生活器具,以及这些生活器具的造型特征。具有鲜明的民族性,它集中反映了人的生存意志与能力,准确地传达出一个民族的文化心态与审美追求,是生产实践与理性精神的产物。那些历史遗存的工具和用具,在文化发展史上具有非常重要的意义。     

浙东南传统民居生态适应性研究

浙东南传统民居是浙江民居的重要组成部分,同时又有着自身的特色。气候、地理等生态要素对浙东南传统民居有重要的影响。浙东南传统民居的选址环境、形体布局、结构构架、节点构造、材料利用等方面都体现了对生态的适应。研究浙东南传统民居如何适应当地生态有助于深入认识传统民居地域性。     

TEKEZE电站土建工程进口设备物资清关

在欠发达国家承包国际工程，设备物资进口量是相当大的。我国中水公司、葛洲坝集团有限公司与当地一家承包商组成的联营体在埃塞俄比亚承接的TEKEzE水电工程，进口设备物资总额达5410万美元，占合同金额2．24亿美元的24％。而进口设备物资清关是一个不容忽视的环节，委托清关公司代理报关是国际工程惯例。选择一个价格低、信誉高、服务优、实力强的清关代理，可以转嫁部分风险，控制清关成本。     

Racing toward the finish line.

Replies to published comments on our original article (R. L. Sternberg, E. L. Grigorenko, and K. K. Kidd, see record 2005-00117-006). G. Carey (see record 2006-01690-008) cited in his response to our article a study by Tang et al. (2005) showing that "of 3,636 subjects of varying race/ethnicity, only 5 (0.14%) showed genetic cluster membership different from their self-identified race/ethnicity" (p. 268). At Carey's invitation, we are glad to provide a counterresponse. Correspondence between self-identification and biological characteristics does not form a suitable basis for assigning people to "races." Moreover, it appears that Carey's (2006) response to our article can be explained, at least partially, by his incomplete understanding of the data, analyses, and results presented in Tang et al. (2005). With regard to D. I. Templer's (see record 2006-01690-009) response, we do not give much credence to the M. Snyderman and S. Rothman (1988) survey. If the survey were done in 1908, probably there would have been even more emphasis on genes. If scientists in earlier times were surveyed on the causes of fire, they might well all have agreed that phlogiston was responsible. In another era, they would have agreed that the Sun revolves around the Earth. Implicit theories are useful ways of ascertaining popular folk beliefs, including those of scientists, but they are not scientifically definitive. As to Rushton's (1995) findings, we are not clear on what conclusion is to be drawn from the correlations--that people with larger cranial capacities are more likely to move away from the equator, that moving away from the equator produces greater cranial capacity, or that both larger cranial capacity and distance from the equator are dependent on some unknown third variable. Finally, in response to C. L. McLafferty (see record 2006-01690-010), we agree that the dichotomization of nature and nurture is a somewhat artificial analytical division that has been at times misused. Whereas we might not fully accept the revised classification proposed by McLafferty, we agree that the nature-nurture division has outlived its value. Nor is there a simple continuum between fully nature and fully nurture--the relevance of variation in nurture depends on the mean and range of variation in nature, and vice versa (Lewontin, 1974). (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)