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为了研究T-S模糊系统的H∞控制问题,提出了一种T-S模糊系统的改进型二次稳定条件.与已有的相关结论相比,该条件进一步考虑到模糊子系统之间的相互关系,并将其表示为一系列线性矩阵不等式,因此,具有更小的保守性.以改进型二次稳定条件为基础,给出T-S模糊系统H∞控制器存在条件,控制器参数可以通过求解一组线性矩阵不等式获得.仿真计算结果表明,所提方法是有效的,同时比已有方法具有更广的适用范围. 相似文献
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On the basis of K. Stenner's (2005) authoritarian dynamic theory, it was hypothesized that the number of death sentences and executions would be higher in more threatened conservative states than in less threatened conservative states, and would be lower in more threatened liberal states than in less threatened liberal states. Threat was based on state homicide rate, violent crime rate, and non-White percentage of population. Conservatism was based on state voter ideological identification, Democratic and Republican Party elite liberalism-conservatism, policy liberalism-conservatism, religious fundamentalism, degree of economic freedom, and 2004 presidential election results. For 1977-2004, with controls for state population and years with a death penalty provision, the interactive hypothesis received consistent support using the state conservatism composite and voter ideological identification alone. As well, state conservatism was related to death penalties and executions, but state threat was not. The temporal stability of the findings was demonstrated with a split-half internal replication using the periods 1977-1990 and 1991-2004. The interactive hypothesis and the results also are discussed in the context of other threat-authoritarianism theories and terror management theory. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved) 相似文献
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Jost John T.; Glaser Jack; Kruglanski Arie W.; Sulloway Frank J. 《Canadian Metallurgical Quarterly》2003,129(3):383
A meta-analysis by J. T. Jost, J. Glaser, A. W. Kruglanski, and F. J. Sulloway (2003) concluded that political conservatism is partially motivated by the management of uncertainty and threat. In this reply to J. Greenberg and E. Jonas (2003), conceptual issues are clarified, numerous political anomalies are explained, and alleged counterexamples are incorporated with a dynamic model that takes into account differences between "young" and "old" movements. Studies directly pitting the rigidity-of-the-right hypothesis against the ideological extremity hypothesis demonstrate strong support for the former. Medium to large effect sizes describe relations between political conservatism and dogmatism and intolerance of ambiguity; lack of openness to experience; uncertainty avoidance; personal needs for order, structure, and closure; fear of death; and system threat. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved) 相似文献
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本文引述考古学报告和历史文献证明,中国在魏晋时期就已经具备了造纸、铸活字、造墨、印刷工艺等足以产生活字印刷的技术条件,而它的实际产生却比之晚了七百年左右.更值得注意的是,活字印刷在其诞生地迟迟未能用于生产.通过进一步分析其他中国科技史料,作者认为中国古代技术发明早,发展缓慢是一种普遍现象;它同时具有先进性、经验性、迟缓性和封闭性四大特点. 相似文献
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The aim of this paper is to propose a new algorithm for multilevel stabilization of large scale systems. In two-level stabilization method, a set of local stabilizers for the individual subsystems in a completely decentralized environment is designed. The solution of the control problem involves designing of a global controller on a higher hierarchical level that provides corrective signals to account for interconnections effect. The principle feature of this paper is to reduce conservativeness in global controller design. Here, the key point is to reduce the effect of interactions instead of neutralizing them. In fact, unlike prior methods, our idea does not ignore the possible beneficial aspects of the interactions and does not try to neutralize them. 相似文献
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黄辉 《沙洲职业工学院学报》2009,12(3):41-43,53
探讨了五四文化保守主义调和论的内涵、实质与历史价值,以期对五四文化保守主义调和论作出一个辩证的论述。五四文化保守主义是发生在五四时期的一种文化思潮,主张保存中国传统文化,并对中西、新旧文化进行调和。文化调和论是五四文化保守主义的核,心价值理论。 相似文献
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肖克 《湖南纺织高等专科学校学报》2007,17(2):82-84
自冷战结束,尤其是小布什当政以来,原本密切的欧美关系出现裂痕。通过对欧美主导性政治思潮演进的学理分析,可以发现裂痕的实质性原因是双方主导政治思潮——新自由主义和新保守主义——的对立。由此带来当今双方对内对外政策的差异,并对未来欧美关系的发展产生影响。 相似文献
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Therapies designed to change sexual orientation have come under increasing scrutiny from the profession and the public. The proposition that sexual orientation can be changed therapeutically is widely questioned, and there is concern that such therapies reinforce social devaluation of homosexuality and bisexuality. At the same time, conservative religious individuals wish to seek treatment appropriate to them, which may include attempting to change or control sexual orientation. The ethical questions and clinical and social implications of this complex issue are discussed. Guidance to practitioners interested in this issue is offered, including references to policies of the American Psychological Association. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved) 相似文献
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Reyna Christine; Henry P. J.; Korfmacher William; Tucker Amanda 《Canadian Metallurgical Quarterly》2006,90(1):109
Why do educated conservatives oppose affirmative action? Those in the "principled conservatism" camp say opposition is based on principled judgments of fairness about the policies. Others, however, argue that opposition is based on racism. The present article offers an alternative perspective that may reconcile these contradictory points of view. In 2 studies, the authors show 2 major findings: (a) that conservatives oppose affirmative action more for Blacks than for other groups, in this case women, and (b) that the relationship between conservatism and affirmative action attitudes is mediated best by group-based stereotypes that offer deservingness information and not by other potential mediators like old-fashioned racism or the perceived threat that affirmative action poses to oneself. The authors conclude that educated conservatives are indeed principled in their opposition to affirmative action, but those principles are group based not policy based. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved) 相似文献