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1.
Hebrew and Arabic are Semitic languages with a similar morphological structure and orthographies that differ in visual complexity. Two experiments explored the interaction of the characteristics of orthography and hemispheric abilities on lateralized versions of a letter-matching task (Experiment 1) and a global-local task (Experiment 2). In Experiment 1, native Hebrew readers and native Arabic readers fluent in Hebrew matched letters in the 2 orthographies. The results support the hypothesis that Arabic orthography is more difficult than Hebrew orthography for participants who can read both languages and that this difficulty has its strongest effects in the left visual field. In Experiment 2, native Arabic speakers performed a global-local letter detection task with Arabic letters with 2 types of inconsistent stimuli: different and similar. The results support the hypothesis that the right hemisphere of skilled Arabic readers cannot distinguish between similar Arabic letters, whereas the left hemisphere can. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

2.
We investigated the psychological reality of the concept of orthographical depth and its influence on visual word recognition by examining naming performance in Hebrew, English, and Serbo-Croatian. Experiment 1 revealed that the lexical status of the stimulus (high-frequency words, low-frequency words, and nonwords) significantly affected naming in Hebrew (the deepest of the three orthographies). This effect was only moderate in English and nonsignificant in Serbo-Croatian (the shallowest of the three orthographies). Moreover, only in Hebrew did lexical status have similar effects on naming and lexical decision performance. Experiment 2 revealed that semantic priming effects in naming were larger in Hebrew than in English and completely absent in Serbo-Croatian. Experiment 3 revealed that a large proportion of nonlexical tokens (nonwords) in the stimulus list affects naming words in Hebrew and in English, but not in Serbo-Croatian. Results support the orthographical depth hypothesis and suggest, in general, that in shallow orthographies phonology is generated directly from print, whereas in deep orthographies phonology is derived from the internal lexicon. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

3.
Participants segmented and shifted a sequence of letters from a source word to a target word and then named the product aloud. Morphemic and nonmorphemic letter sequences (e.g., EN) from phonemically matched words such as HARDEN and GARDEN were compared. In 4 experiments, naming latencies were faster for morphemic sequences than their nonmorphemic controls in both English, in which the morphemic status of the shifted sequence was varied and sequences were appended after the base morpheme (linearly concatenated), and in Hebrew, in which morphological transparency of the root (base morpheme) was varied and 1 morpheme was infixed inside the other (nonconcatenative) so that the phonological and orthographic integrity of the morphemic constituents was disrupted. Moreover, the likelihood with which both affixes and bases combine to form words influenced segment shifting times. In conclusion, skilled readers are sensitive to the morphological components of words whether or not they form contiguous orthographic or phonological units. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

4.
A series of experiments assessed masked priming for letters and words that are visually similar (SIM) and dissimilar (DIS) in upper- and lowercase formats. For letters, robust DIS priming was obtained in a naming task, but this priming did not extend to a variety of non-naming tasks. For words, robust DIS priming was obtained in both naming and non-naming tasks. SIM letter and word priming extended to all tasks, but the effects were generally small for letters. The restricted set of conditions for DIS letter priming suggests that this priming is mediated by phonological-articulatory processes, and the generality of DIS word priming argues that abstract orthographic codes mediate these effects. Consistent with this conclusion, priming between homophones (for both letters and words) was found in a naming task, but little word homophone priming was obtained in a lexical decision task. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

5.
Reports an error in "Language status and hemispheric involvement in reading: Evidence from trilingual Arabic speakers tested in Arabic, Hebrew, and English" by Raphiq Ibrahim and Zohar Eviatar (Neuropsychology, 2009[Mar], Vol 23[2], 240-254). The Arabic text appearing in the Appendix on page 254 of Table C1 did not reproduce accurately. The corrected table appears in the erratum. (The following abstract of the original article appeared in record 2009-02621-012.) This study explores the effects of language status on hemispheric involvement in lexical decision. The authors looked at the responses of native Arabic speakers in Arabic (L1 for reading) and in two second languages (L2): Hebrew, which is similar to L1 in morphological structure, and English, which is very different from L1. Two groups of Arabic speakers performed lateralized lexical decision tasks in the three languages, using unilateral presentations and bilateral presentations. These paradigms allowed us to infer both hemispheric specialization and interhemispheric communication in the three languages, and the effects of language status (native vs. nonnative) and similarity on hemispheric patterns of responses. In general the authors show an effect of language status in the right visual field (RVF), reflecting the greater facility of the left hemisphere (LH) in recognizing words in the participant's native Arabic than in their other languages. The participants revealed similar patterns of interhemispheric integration across the languages, with more integration occurring for words than for nonwords. Both hemispheres revealed sensitivity to morphological complexity, a pattern similar to that of native Hebrew readers and different from that of native English readers. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

6.
7.
A prime generated by transposing two internal letters (e.g., jugde) produces strong priming of the original word (judge). In lexical decision, this transposed-letter (TL) priming effect is generally weak or absent for nonword targets; thus, it is unclear whether the origin of this effect is lexical or prelexical. The authors describe the Bayesian Reader theory of masked priming (D. Norris & S. Kinoshita, 2008), which explains why nonwords do not show priming in lexical decision but why they do in the cross-case same-different task. This analysis is followed by 3 experiments that show that priming in this task is not based on low-level perceptual similarity between the prime and target, or on phonology, to make the case that priming is based on prelexical orthographic representation. The authors then use this task to demonstrate equivalent TL priming effects for nonwords and words. The results are interpreted as the first reliable evidence based on the masked priming procedure that letter position is not coded absolutely within the prelexical, orthographic representation. The implications of the results for current letter position coding schemes are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

8.
This study examined the relationship between morphological structure of languages and performance asymmetries of native speakers in lateralized tasks. In 2 experiments, native speakers of English (concatenative morphology stem plus affix) and of Hebrew and Arabic (nonconcatenative root plus word-form morphology) were presented with lateralized lexical decision tasks, in which the morphological structure of both words and nonwords was manipulated. In the 1st study, stimuli were presented unilaterally. In the 2nd study, 2 stimuli were presented bilaterally, and participants were cued to respond to 1 of them. Three different indexes of hemispheric integration were tested: processing dissociation, effects of distractor status, and the bilateral effect. Lateralization patterns in the 3 languages revealed both common and language-specific patterns. For English speakers, only the left hemisphere (LH) was sensitive to morphological structure, consistent with the hypothesis that the LH processes right visual field stimuli independently but that the right hemisphere uses LH abilities to process words in the left visual field. In Hebrew and Arabic, both hemispheres are sensitive to morphological structure, and interhemispheric transfer of information may be more symmetrical than in English. The relationship between universal and experience-specific effects on brain organization is discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

9.
[Correction Notice: An erratum for this article was reported in Vol 24(6) of Neuropsychology (see record 2010-22445-001). The Arabic text appearing in the Appendix on page 254 of Table C1 did not reproduce accurately. The corrected table appears in the erratum.] This study explores the effects of language status on hemispheric involvement in lexical decision. The authors looked at the responses of native Arabic speakers in Arabic (L1 for reading) and in two second languages (L2): Hebrew, which is similar to L1 in morphological structure, and English, which is very different from L1. Two groups of Arabic speakers performed lateralized lexical decision tasks in the three languages, using unilateral presentations and bilateral presentations. These paradigms allowed us to infer both hemispheric specialization and interhemispheric communication in the three languages, and the effects of language status (native vs. nonnative) and similarity on hemispheric patterns of responses. In general the authors show an effect of language status in the right visual field (RVF), reflecting the greater facility of the left hemisphere (LH) in recognizing words in the participant's native Arabic than in their other languages. The participants revealed similar patterns of interhemispheric integration across the languages, with more integration occurring for words than for nonwords. Both hemispheres revealed sensitivity to morphological complexity, a pattern similar to that of native Hebrew readers and different from that of native English readers. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

10.
Hemispheric asymmetry was examined for Urdu-English bilinguals identifying printed Urdu words and nonwords, separated Urdu letter strings, digits, and English nonwords. In all cases, fewer errors occurred when stimuli were presented to the right visual field/left hemisphere (RVF/LH) than to the left visual field/right hemisphere (LVF/RH). Qualitative error patterns suggested that separated Urdu letter strings were processed more serially than Urdu letter strings joined to form words or pronounceable nonwords and more serially on RVF/LH than on LVF/RH trials. This qualitative laterality effect is similar to that found for Hebrew and Arabic but opposite that found for English and suggests that the qualitative manner of processing printed verbal material is influenced by language-specific factors such as scanning direction, orthographic-to-phonological mapping rules, and morphology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

11.
A robust semantic priming effect typically occurs in visual word recognition if the prime is read before a response to the target. However, this effect is dramatically reduced if a letter search is performed on the prime prior to responding to the target. Three lexical decision experiments document the new observation that morphological priming is preserved following letter search on the prime. This dissociation between morphological and semantic priming following letter search can be understood in the context of an interactive activation framework. In addition, the implications of these results for connectionist and compound cue accounts of word recognition, as well as the issue of automaticity in word recognition, are discussed.  相似文献   

12.
13.
Lexical decision latencies to word targets presented either visually or auditorily were faster when directly preceded by a briefly presented (53-ms) pattern-masked visual prime that was the same word as the target (repetition primes), compared with different word primes. Primes that were pseudohomophones of target words did not significantly influence target processing compared with unrelated primes (Experiments 1-2) but did produce robust priming effects with slightly longer prime exposures (67 ms) in Experiment 3. Like repetition priming, these pseudohomophone priming effects did not interact with target modality. Experiments 4 and 5 replicated this general pattern of effects while introducing a different measure of prime visibility and an orthographic priming condition. Results are interpreted within the framework of a bimodal interactive activation model. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

14.
The validity of the orthographic depth hypothesis (ODH) was examined in Hebrew by employing pointed (shallow) and unpointed (deep) print. Exps 1 and 2 (with 160 and 96 undergraduates, respectively) revealed larger frequency effects and larger semantic priming effects in naming with unpointed print than with pointed print. In Exps 3 and 4 (with 96 and 160 undergraduates respectively), Ss were presented with Hebrew consonantal strings that were followed by vowel marks appearing at stimulus onset asynchronies ranging from 0 msec (simultaneous presentation) to 300 msec from the onset of consonant presentation. Ss were inclined to wait for the vowel marks to appear even though the words could be named unequivocally using lexical phonology. These results suggested that prelexical phonology was the default strategy for readers in shallow orthographies, providing strong support for the ODH. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

15.
Finnish has a very productive morphology in which a stem can give rise to several thousand words. This study presents a visual lexical decision experiment addressing the processing consequences of the huge productivity of Finnish morphology. The authors observed that in Finnish words with larger morphological families elicited shorter response latencies. However, in contrast to Dutch and Hebrew, it is not the complete morphological family of a complex Finnish word that codetermines response latencies but only the subset of words directly derived from the complex word itself. Comparisons with parallel experiments using translation equivalents in Dutch and Hebrew showed substantial cross-language predictivity of family size between Finnish and Dutch but not between Finnish and Hebrew, reflecting the different ways in which the Hebrew and Finnish morphological systems contribute to the semantic organization of concepts in the mental lexicon. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

16.
Reports an error in "What can we learn from the morphology of Hebrew? A masked-priming investigation of morphological representation" by Ram Frost, Kenneth I. Forster and Avital Deutsch (Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 1997[Jul], Vol 23[4], 829-856). On page 854, two Hebrew words are missing from Appendix F. The corrected Appendix appears with the erratum. (The following abstract of the original article appeared in record 1997-05320-003.) All Hebrew words are composed of 2 interwoven morphemes: a triconsonantal root and a phonological word pattern. The lexical representations of these morphemic units were examined using masked priming. When primes and targets shared an identical word pattern, neither lexical decision nor naming of targets was facilitated. In contrast, root primes facilitated both lexical decisions and naming of target words that were derived from these roots. This priming effect proved to be independent of meaning similarity because no priming effects were found when primes and targets were semantically but not morphologically related. These results suggest that Hebrew roots are lexical units whereas word patterns are not. A working model of lexical organization in Hebrew is offered on the basis of these results. (A correction concerning this article appears in Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 1997, Vol 23(5), 1189-1191. On page 854 of the current issue, two Hebrew words are missing from Appendix F. The corrected Appendix appears in this correction.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

17.
A masked priming paradigm was used to examine the role of the root and verbal-pattern morphemes in lexical access within the verbal system of Hebrew. Previous research within the nominal system had showed facilitatory effects from masked primes that shared the same root as the target word, but not when the primes shared the word pattern (R. Frost, K. I. Forster, & A. Deutsch, 1997). In contrast to these findings, facilitatory effects were obtained for both roots and word patterns in the verbal system. In addition, verbal pattern facilitation was obtained even when the primes were pseudoverbs consisting of illegal combinations of roots and verbal patterns. Significant priming was also found when the primes and the targets contained the same root. The results are discussed with reference to the factors that may determine the lexical status of morphological units in lexical organization. A model of morphological processing of Hebrew words is proposed.  相似文献   

18.
In alphabetic writing systems like English or French, many words are composed of more letters than phonemes (e.g. BEACH is composed of five letters and three phonemes, i.e./biJ/). This is due to the presence of higher order graphemes, that is, groups of letters that map into a single phoneme (e.g. EA and CH in BEACH map into the single phonemes /i/ and /J/, respectively). The present study investigated the potential role of these subsyllabic components for the visual recognition of words in a perceptual identification task. In Experiment 1, we manipulated the number of phonemes in monosyllabic, low frequency, five-letter, English words, and found that identification times were longer for words with a small number of phonemes than for words with a large number of phonemes. In Experiment 2, this 'phoneme effect' was replicated in French for low frequency, but not for high frequency, monosyllabic words. These results suggest that subsyllabic components, also referred to as functional orthographic units, play a crucial role as elementary building blocks of visual word recognition.  相似文献   

19.
Second through 6th graders were presented with nonword primes (orthographic, pseudohomophone, and control) and target words displayed for durations (30 and 60 ms) that were brief enough to prevent complete processing. Word reading skills were assessed by 3 word and nonword naming tasks. Good readers exhibited more orthographic priming than poor readers at both durations and more pseudohomophone priming at the short duration only. This suggests that good readers activate letter and phonemic information more efficiently than poor readers. Good readers also exhibited an equal amount of priming at both durations, whereas poor readers showed greater priming at the longer duration. This suggests that activation was not under strategic control. Finally, priming was reliable for both high- and low-frequency targets. This suggests that readers activate consistent information regardless of target word characteristics. Thus, quick, automatic, and general activation of orthographic and phonological information in skilled readers results from the precision and redundancy of their lexical representations.  相似文献   

20.
Semantic and orthographic learning of new words was investigated with the help of the picture-word interference (PWI) task. In this version of the Stroop task, picture naming is delayed by the simultaneous presentation of a semantically related as opposed to an unrelated distractor word (a specific PWI effect), as well as by an unrelated word compared with a nonword (a general PWI effect). This interference is taken to reflect automatic orthographic and semantic processing. The authors observed that participants showed both types of PWI effects for newly learned words following a single study session. Interestingly, specific PWI effects were not obtained immediately after testing but did emerge a week later without additional practice. This suggests that a period of consolidation is involved in the establishment of word representations. In addition, identical PWI effects were obtained when the study and test words were presented in either the same or different letter case. This provides evidence that the newly acquired orthographic representations are coded in an abstract format. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)  相似文献   

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