US news media coverage of tobacco control issues

Objective

To characterise the relative amount and type of daily newspaper, local and national TV newscast, and national news magazine coverage of tobacco control issues in the United States in 2002 and 2003.

Design

Content analysis of daily newspapers, news magazines, and TV newscasts.

Subjects

Items about tobacco in daily newspapers, local and national TV newscasts, and three national news magazines in a nationally representative sample of 56 days of news stratified by day of week and season of the year, from 2002 and 2003.

Main outcome measures

Story theme, tobacco topics, sources, story prominence, story valence (orientation), and story type.

Results

Tobacco coverage was modest over the two‐year period as estimated in our sample. Only 21 TV stories, 17 news magazine stories, and 335 daily newspaper stories were found during the two‐year sampling period. Noteworthy results for the newspaper data set include the following: (1) government topics predominated coverage; (2) government action and negative health effects topics tended not to occur together in stories; (3) tobacco stories were fairly prominently placed in newspapers; (4) opinion news items tended to favour tobacco control policies, while news and feature stories were evenly split between positive and negative stories; and (5) tobacco coverage in the southeast, which is the country''s major tobacco producing region, did not differ from the rest of the country.

Conclusion

Results suggest mixed support in news coverage for tobacco control efforts in the United States. The modest amount of news coverage of tobacco is troubling, particularly because so few news stories were found on TV, which is a more important news source for Americans than newspapers. When tobacco was covered, government themed stories, which often did not include mentions of negative health effects, were typical, suggesting that media coverage does not reinforce the reason for tobacco control efforts. However, some results were encouraging. For example, when newspapers did cover tobacco, they accorded the stories relatively high prominence, thus increasing the chance that readers would see tobacco stories when they were published.     

Marketing to the marginalised: tobacco industry targeting of the homeless and mentally ill

Objectives: To describe the tobacco industry''s relationships with and influence on homeless and mentally ill smokers and organisations providing services to them. Methods: Analysis of internal tobacco industry documents and journal articles. Results: The tobacco industry has marketed cigarettes to the homeless and seriously mentally ill, part of its "downscale" market, and has developed relationships with homeless shelters and advocacy groups, gaining positive media coverage and political support. Discussion: Tobacco control advocates and public health organisations should consider how to target programmes to homeless and seriously mentally ill individuals. Education of service providers about tobacco industry efforts to cultivate this market may help in reducing smoking in these populations.     

When the tobacco industry controls the news: KKR, RJR Nabisco, and the Weekly Reader Corporation

BACKGROUND: The Weekly Reader Corporation was acquired in 1991 by K-III Communications, whose majority shareholder is Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Co. (KKR), best known for its leveraged buyout of tobacco conglomerate RJR Nabisco. Among other student newspapers, Weekly Reader publishes Current Events for students in grades 6-10 (ages 11-16). OBJECTIVE: To explore how KKR's ownership might have affected the content of tobacco- related news stories in Current Events, which reaches students at the very ages when many begin to experiment with tobacco. METHODS: A content analysis was conducted of 182 issues of Current Events, 71 pre- acquisition and 111 post-acquisition. Tobacco-related news was reported in four articles in the pre-acquisition issues and in 12 articles in the post-acquisition issues. RESULTS: The content of tobacco-related news stories shifted after KKR's acquisition to portray tobacco as a "forbidden fruit" that is attractive to teenagers. This was done by focusing on new policies and programmes to discourage teenagers from smoking, the mythical threat of prohibition, and the supposed popularity of smoking, while giving relatively little attention to the health consequences of tobacco use. CONCLUSIONS: After engineering a stock swap with Bordens in 1995, KKR no longer directly owns RJR Nabisco stock. This case study underscores the need for public health advocates to be watchful of the tobacco industry's efforts to control public access to news about tobacco.


     

Print media coverage of California's smokefree bar law

OBJECTIVE: To assess the print media coverage of California's smokefree bar law in the state of California. DESIGN: Content analysis of newspaper, trade journal, and magazine items. SUBJECTS: Items regarding the smokefree bar law published seven months before and one year following the implementation of the smokefree bar law (June 1997 to December 1998). Items consisted of news articles (n = 446), opinion editorials (n = 31), editorials (n = 104), letters to the editor (n = 240), and cartoons (n = 10). MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Number and timing of publication of items, presence of tobacco industry arguments or public health arguments regarding law, positive, negative, and neutral views of opinion items published. RESULTS: 53% of items published concerning the smokefree bar law were news articles, 47% were opinion items. 45% of items regarding the smokefree bar law were published during the first month of implementation. The tobacco industry dominated coverage in most categories (economics, choice, enforcement, ventilation, legislation, individual quotes), except for categories public health used the most frequently (government role, tactics, organisational quotes). Anti-law editorials and letters to the editor were published more than pro-law editorials and letters. Region of the state, paper size, presence of local clean indoor air legislation, and voting on tobacco related ballot initiatives did not have an impact on the presence of opinion items. CONCLUSIONS: The tobacco industry succeeded in obtaining more coverage of the smokefree bar law, both in news items and opinion items. The tobacco industry used historical arguments of restricting freedom of choice and economic ramifications in fighting the smokefree bar law, while public health groups focused on the worker protection issue, and exposed tobacco industry tactics. Despite the skewed coverage, public health groups obtained adequate attention to their arguments to keep the law in effect.     

The tobacco settlement: an analysis of newspaper coverage of a national policy debate, 1997-98

OBJECTIVE: To examine the framing of tobacco policy issues in the news media during the national tobacco settlement debate of 1997-98. The major aims were (1) to describe the extent of newspaper coverage of each of the specific components of the proposed tobacco settlement; (2) to identify the tobacco control frames, and the dominant frame, appearing in each newspaper article; and (3) to examine trends in tobacco control frames over time. DESIGN: A content analysis was performed on 117 articles related to national tobacco legislation appearing in the Washington Post from 1 January 1997 through 18 June 1998. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: (1) Major policy themes of the settlement referred to or implied in each article; (2) major frames used to discuss the problem of tobacco in each article. RESULTS: The generation of new revenue was the dominant theme of the articles, appearing as a major focus in 44% (52) of the articles. Other than the issues of Food and Drug Administration regulation of tobacco and restrictions on cigarette advertising, the public health policy aspects of the tobacco settlement received little attention. The problem of tobacco was portrayed as one of youth smoking in 55% (64) of the articles, but as one of a deadly product in none of the articles. CONCLUSIONS: Future discussions of comprehensive tobacco policy should be driven by a more specific discussion of the precise programme and policy mechanisms by which tobacco use can be most effectively prevented and controlled. The public health community must find ways to frame the tobacco issue more broadly than simply as one of youth smoking.     

Media advocacy, tobacco control policy change and teen smoking in Florida

Objective

To assess whether media advocacy activities implemented by the Florida Tobacco Control Program contributed to increased news coverage, policy changes and reductions in youth smoking.

Methods

A content analysis of news coverage appearing in Florida newspapers between 22 April 1998 and 31 December 2001 was conducted, and patterns of coverage before and after the implementation of media advocacy efforts to promote tobacco product placement ordinances were compared. Event history analysis was used to assess whether news coverage increased the probability of enacting these ordinances in 23 of 67 Florida counties and ordinary least square (OLS) regression was used to gauge the effect of these policies on changes in youth smoking prevalence.

Results

The volume of programme‐related news coverage decreased after the onset of media advocacy efforts, but the ratio of coverage about Students Working Against Tobacco (the Florida Tobacco Control Program''s youth advocacy organisation) relative to other topics increased. News coverage contributed to the passage of tobacco product placement ordinances in Florida counties, but these ordinances did not lead to reduced youth smoking.

Conclusion

This study adds to the growing literature supporting the use of media advocacy as a tool to change health‐related policies. However, results suggest caution in choosing policy goals that may or may not influence health behaviour.Many scholars contend that media advocacy—the strategic use of mass media and grassroots community organising to advance health policy—is a powerful strategy to generate news coverage about tobacco control, strengthen tobacco control policy and reduce tobacco use.^1,2,3 The news media bring policy initiatives to public and policymaker agendas^4,5 and frame issues in ways of consequence for health policy.⁶ As a result, the short‐term goals of media advocacy are increasing in the volume of news coverage on a public health issue and framing coverage in ways that support policy solutions.^7,8 This is most easily accomplished when grassroots organisations mobilise to draw the attention of news media to an issue.^7,8,9 News coverage of grassroots efforts puts pressure on policymakers to devise and/or implement specific solutions to public health problems. The intermediate goal of media advocacy is thus to facilitate passage of policies conducive to public health. In the long term, these policies should promote healthier environments and create meaningful changes in health behaviour.^7,8However, at the same time several authors note the shortage of research examining the role of news coverage in changing tobacco control policy and behaviour.^10,11,12 The evidence base supporting media advocacy as a reliable strategy for advancing health policy and changing health behaviour is limited.¹³ Although one large study provides strong evidence that media advocacy contributed to meaningful changes in drunk‐driving behaviour,^14,15,16 efforts to document the effectiveness of media advocacy for tobacco control are limited by constraints of case‐study methodologies for causal inferences,^17,18,19,20 characterised by inconsistent results,^20,21,22 focused on short‐run changes in news overage rather than long‐term policy and behaviour change,^21,22,23 and/or confounded by other components within multifaceted community interventions.^24,25 This study adds to this evidence base by assessing the effects of media advocacy, implemented as part of the Florida Tobacco Control Program (FTCP), on news coverage, tobacco control policy and smoking behaviour in Florida.The FTCP was a comprehensive education, marketing, prevention and enforcement campaign launched in 1998 to reduce smoking among Florida teens. The programme had three primary components: “truth”, a youth‐targeted media campaign; Students Working Against Tobacco (SWAT), a statewide youth anti‐tobacco group, and school‐based tobacco use prevention education.^26,27 Evaluators observed substantial reductions in youth behaviour within 2 years of the programme''s inception, far outpacing national declines,^26,27 and several studies show that the FTCP contributed to these reductions.^27,28,29The FTCP''s media advocacy strategy, a secondary programme component, involved sending press releases and working with reporters to promote FTCP programmes, media training for local SWAT leaders and promoting media events coordinated with local SWAT activities. After the budget crisis between March 1999 and June 1999, when the Florida legislature cut annual programme funding from $70 million to $38.7 million,³⁰ the FTCP initiated local mobilisation and media advocacy efforts to promote Tobacco Product Placement Ordinances (TPPOs). These ordinances, designed to reduce youth smoking by removing the visual and physical availability of cigarettes, would require retailers to place cigarettes and other tobacco products behind the counter. Local SWAT chapters used media advocacy to complement other efforts (community mobilisation, local events and presentations to county officials) in a combined effort to promote TPPOs at the county level.These efforts were seemingly met with success; between July 1999 and March 2002, 23 of 67 Florida counties passed TPPOs. However, the extent to which media advocacy and resulting news coverage contributed to these policies is unknown, and studies have not assessed whether these policies reduced teen smoking. Three conditions would strengthen conclusions about whether media advocacy contributed to the programme''s success. Firstly, programme‐related news coverage should increase after the onset of media advocacy efforts (hypothesis 1). Secondly, counties that received greater news coverage of SWAT events should be more likely to adopt TPPOs (hypothesis 2). Thirdly, counties that adopted TPPOs should witness greater subsequent declines in youth smoking than counties that did not (hypothesis 3). This paper tests these hypotheses by combining county news coverage estimates with county‐specific data on tobacco control policy and smoking behaviour.     

Print media coverage of research on passive smoking

OBJECTIVE: To assess the extent and content of newspaper and magazine coverage of research on passive smoking. DESIGN: Content analysis of newspaper and magazine articles. SUBJECTS: Articles reporting on passive smoking research published in newspapers (n = 180) or magazines (n = 92) between January 1981 and December 1994. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Numbers of articles, conclusions of articles, sources quoted, numbers and characteristics of research studies cited, presence of tobacco advertising. RESULTS: The number of newspaper and magazine articles reporting on passive smoking research increased from four in 1981 to 57 in 1992 and 32 in 1994. Sixty-two per cent (168/272) of articles concluded that the research on passive smoking is controversial. Tobacco industry representatives were quoted significantly more often in newspaper articles (52%, 94/180) than magazine articles (12%, 11/92) (p<0.0001). Of 121 different research studies cited in the lay press articles, only 15 were from tobacco-industry sponsored projects or publications. In magazines, acceptance of tobacco industry advertising was associated with the conclusion that research on passive smoking is controversial (p<0.0001). CONCLUSIONS: Although research on the harmful effects of passive smoking accumulated between 1981 and 1994, lay press coverage of the research maintained that the science was controversial. Few research studies were cited to support the industry's claim that passive smoking is not harmful to health. However, tobacco industry representatives who were critical of the research methods used to study the health effects of passive smoking were frequently quoted.     

Impact of the Tobacco Price Support Program on tobacco control in the United States

OBJECTIVES—To evaluate the impact of the United States Tobacco Price Support Program (TPSP) on domestic cigarette consumption and the potential political impact of the TPSP on efforts to reduce smoking.
DATA SOURCES—Published studies known to the authors and a search of AGRICOLA from 1980 to 1996.
STUDY SELECTION—Studies published in a refereed journal or research reports published by an accredited university or institution.
DATA SYNTHESIS—The TPSP decreases cigarette use by increasing the price of cigarettes. The price increase resulting from the TPSP, however, is small—about one cent per pack. The resulting decrease in cigarette consumption is also very modest—an estimated 0.23%. However, the TPSP creates tobacco quota owners, who have a strong financial interest in opposing measures to reduce smoking. The TPSP also changes the political influence of tobacco farmers by keeping a large number of small farmers in tobacco production.
CONCLUSIONS—The negative impact of the TPSP (opposition to tobacco control measures) is probably greater than the positive impact of the programme (reducing smoking). Therefore, the net impact of the TPSP on tobacco control efforts is likely to be negative.


Keywords: cigarette consumption; Tobacco Price Support Program; United States     

Tobacco industry successfully prevented tobacco control legislation in Argentina

Objective: To evaluate how transnational tobacco companies, working through their local affiliates, influenced tobacco control policymaking in Argentina between 1966 and 2005. Methods: Analysis of internal tobacco industry documents, local newspapers and magazines, internet resources, bills from the Argentinean National Congress Library, and interviews with key individuals in Argentina. Results: Transnational tobacco companies (Philip Morris International, British American Tobacco, Lorillard, and RJ Reynolds International) have been actively influencing public health policymaking in Argentina since the early 1970s. As in other countries, in 1977 the tobacco industry created a weak voluntary self regulating code to avoid strong legislated restrictions on advertising. In addition to direct lobbying by the tobacco companies, these efforts involved use of third party allies, public relations campaigns, and scientific and medical consultants. During the 1980s and 1990s efforts to pass comprehensive tobacco control legislation intensified, but the organised tobacco industry prevented its enactment. There has been no national activity to decrease exposure to secondhand smoke. Conclusions: The tobacco industry, working through its local subsidiaries, has subverted meaningful tobacco control legislation in Argentina using the same strategies as in the USA and other countries. As a result, tobacco control in Argentina remains governed by a national law that is weak and restricted in its scope.     

Smokers' beliefs about the relative safety of other tobacco products: findings from the ITC collaboration.

Most tobacco control efforts in western countries focus on the factory-made, mass-produced (FM) cigarette, whereas other tobacco products receive relatively little attention. Noncombusted tobacco products (i.e., referred to as smokeless tobacco), particularly Swedish-style snus, carry lower disease risks, compared with combusted tobacco products such as cigarettes. In this context, it is important to know what tobacco users believe about the relative harmfulness of various types of tobacco products. Data for this study came from random-digit-dialed telephone surveys of current smokers aged 18 or older in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Three waves of data, totaling 13,322 individuals, were assessed. Items assessed use of and beliefs about the relative harms of cigars, pipes, smokeless tobacco, and FM and roll-your-own cigarettes, as well as sociodemographics and smoking behaviors. Cigars (2.8%-12.7%) were the other tobacco products most commonly used by current cigarette smokers, followed by pipes (0.3%-2.1%) and smokeless tobacco (0.0%-2.3%). A significant minority of smokers (12%-21%) used roll-your-own cigarettes at least some of the time. About one-quarter of smokers believed that pipes, cigars, or roll-your-own cigarettes were safer than FM cigarettes, whereas only about 13% responded correctly that smokeless tobacco was less hazardous than cigarettes. Multivariate analyses showed that use of other tobacco products was most strongly related to beliefs about the reduced harm of these other products. Use of other tobacco products was low but may be growing among smokers in the four countries studied. Smokers are confused about the relative harms of tobacco products. Health education efforts are needed to correct smoker misperceptions.     

Arizona's tobacco control initiative illustrates the need for continuing oversight by tobacco control advocates

BACKGROUND: In 1994, Arizona voters approved Proposition 200 which increased the tobacco tax and earmarked 23% of the new revenues for tobacco education programmes. OBJECTIVE: To describe the campaign to pass Proposition 200, the legislative debate that followed the passage of the initiative, and the development and implementation of the tobacco control programme. DESIGN: This is a case study. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with key players in the initiative campaign and in the tobacco education programme, and written records (campaign material, newspapers, memoranda, public records). RESULTS: Despite opposition from the tobacco industry, Arizonans approved an increase in the tobacco tax. At the legislature, health advocates in Arizona successfully fought the tobacco industry attempts to divert the health education funds and pass preemptive legislation. The executive branch limited the scope of the programme to adolescents and pregnant women. It also prevented the programme from attacking the tobacco industry or focusing on secondhand smoke. Health advocates did not put enough pressure at the executive branch to force it to develop a comprehensive tobacco education programme. CONCLUSIONS: It is not enough for health advocates to campaign for an increase in tobacco tax and to protect the funds at the legislature. Tobacco control advocates must closely monitor the development and implementation of tax-funded tobacco education programmes at the administrative level and be willing to press the executive to implement effective programmes.     

Tobacco farmers and diversification: opportunities and barriers

OBJECTIVE: To assess the knowledge, attitudes, and behaviours of tobacco growers and allotment owners in the southeastern United States. DESIGN: Cross-sectional telephone survey. PARTICIPANTS: Tobacco growers (n = 529) and tobacco allotment owners (n = 417) were interviewed by telephone in March 1995. SETTING: Tobacco growing states in the southeastern US. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Attitudes of tobacco growers and tobacco allotment owners towards, and experience with, diversification; and attitudes towards an increase in the federal excise tax on tobacco. RESULTS: Half of the respondents had done something to learn about on-farm alternatives to tobacco, had an interest in trying other on-farm ventures to supplement tobacco income, and found alternatives that were profitable. There was a strong, negative linear trend between age and being interested in or trying alternative enterprises. Structural and economic impediments to diversification were noted by respondents (especially younger respondents), but 73% supported an increase in the federal excise tax on tobacco if the money was used to help farmers overcome these barriers. CONCLUSIONS: These data suggest that farmers and health professionals have reason to establish dialogue around diversification and using excise tax increases to fund diversification and to promote health. Tobacco companies have been successful in mobilising farmers against tax increases, but efforts must be made to show farmers that tax increases can be beneficial both to their diversification efforts and to public health. The outcome of this dialogue may well affect the economic infrastructure of thousands of rural communities, the livelihood of tens of thousands of tobacco farmers and their families, and the health of millions of tobacco users.


     

Integrating tobacco control into health and development agendas

Tobacco use is one of the major risk factors for non-communicable diseases, with a profound impact on resource-poor low-income and middle-income countries such as India, where tobacco use is high and where socioeconomic as well as health inequalities are rampant. Effective implementation of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control requires multisectoral efforts that can fructify through integration of tobacco control into broader health and development agendas such as food and water security, environment, the right to education and human rights. The global tobacco control community will need to explore innovative partnerships beyond its traditional confines and build a global coalition that supports tobacco control by partnering with others having convergent concerns on common determinants. A firm political commitment and intersectoral coordination between government and non-government agencies is paramount in order to implement effective tobacco control programmes. Integration of tobacco control into other health and development agendas as described in this paper has the potential to contribute to the achievement of all the eight United Nations Millennium Development Goals. This paper explores why the whole of government should accord a high priority to tobacco control, and how this integration could be achieved.     

From strange bedfellows to natural allies: the shifting allegiance of fire service organisations in the push for federal fire-safe cigarette legislation

Background: Cigarettes are the leading cause of fatal fires in the USA and are associated with one in four fire deaths. Although the technology needed to make fire-safe cigarettes has been available for many years, progress has been slow on legislative and regulatory fronts to require the tobacco industry to manufacture fire-safe cigarettes. Method and results: We conducted a case study, drawing on data from tobacco industry documents, archives, and key informant interviews to investigate tobacco industry strategies for thwarting fire-safe cigarette legislation in the US Congress. We apply a theoretical framework that posits that policymaking is the product of three sets of forces: interests, institutions, and ideas, to examine tobacco industry behaviour, with a special focus on their and others'' attempts to court fire service organisations, including firefighters'' unions as allies. We discuss the implications of our findings for future policy efforts related to fire-safe cigarettes and other tobacco control issues. Conclusions: Tobacco control advocates ought to: continue efforts to align key interest groups, including the firefighters unions; contest tobacco industry "diversionary" science tactics; and pursue a state based legislative strategy for fire-safe cigarettes, building towards national legislation.     

Public health foundations and the tobacco industry: lessons from Minnesota

Objective: To investigate whether private foundations can be created in a way that will insulate them from attacks by the tobacco industry, using the Minnesota Partnership for Action Against Tobacco (MPAAT) as a case study.

Design: Information was collected from internal tobacco industry documents, court documents, newspapers, and interviews with health advocates and elected officials.

Results: The creation of MPAAT as an independent foundation did not insulate it from attacks by tobacco industry allies. During 2001–2002, MPAAT was repeatedly attacked by Attorney General Mike Hatch and major media, using standard tobacco industry rhetoric. This strategy of attack and demands for information were reminiscent of previous attacks on Minnesota's Plan for Nonsmoking and Health and the American Stop Smoking Intervention Study (ASSIST). MPAAT was ultimately forced to restructure its programme to abandon effective community norm change interventions around smoke-free policies and replace them with less effective individual cessation interventions. Neither MPAAT nor other health advocates mounted an effective public response to these attacks, instead relying on the insider strategy of responding in court.

Conclusion: It is not possible to avoid attacks by the tobacco industry or its political allies. Like programmes administered by government agencies, tobacco control foundations must be prepared for these attacks, including a proactive plan to educate the public about the principles of community based tobacco control. Public health advocates also need to be willing to take prompt action to defend these programmes and hold public officials who attack tobacco control programmes accountable for their actions.

     

Consensus for tobacco policy among former state legislators using the policy Delphi method

OBJECTIVE: To test a novel approach for building consensus about tobacco control policies among legislators. DESIGN: A pilot study was conducted using a two-round, face-to-face policy Delphi method. PARTICIPANTS: Randomly selected sample of 30 former Kentucky legislators (60% participation rate). MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE: Consensus on tobacco control and tobacco farming policies. RESULTS: Former state legislators were more supportive of tobacco control policies than expected, and highly supportive of lessening the state's dependence on tobacco. Former state legislators were in agreement with 43% of the second-round items for which there was no agreement at the first round, demonstrating a striking increase in consensus. With new information from their colleagues, former lawmakers became more supportive of workplace smoking restrictions, limitations on tobacco promotional items, and modest excise tax increases. CONCLUSIONS: The policy Delphi method has the potential for building consensus for tobacco control and tobacco farming policies among state legislators. Tobacco control advocates in other states might consider using the policy Delphi method with policymakers in public and private sectors.     

Tobacco industry litigation strategies to oppose tobacco control media campaigns

Objective

To document the tobacco industry''s litigation strategy to impede tobacco control media campaigns.

Methods

Data were collected from news and reports, tobacco industry documents, and interviews with health advocates and media campaign staff.

Results

RJ Reynolds and Lorillard attempted to halt California''s Media Campaign alleging that the campaign polluted jury pools and violated First Amendment rights because they were compelled to pay for anti‐industry ads. The American Legacy Foundation was accused of violating the Master Settlement Agreement''s vilification clause because its ads attacked the tobacco industry. The tobacco companies lost these legal challenges.

Conclusion

The tobacco industry has expanded its efforts to oppose tobacco control media campaigns through litigation strategies. While litigation is a part of tobacco industry business, it imposes a financial burden and impediment to media campaigns'' productivity. Tobacco control professionals need to anticipate these challenges and be prepared to defend against them.     

Ethical and legal aspects of global tobacco control

On 28 February 2005, the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control came into force as a result of at least 40 countries becoming State Parties through ratification of this first ever health treaty sponsored by the World Health Organization. This article discusses the bioethical, trade, and legal aspects of global tobacco control. Special emphasis is given to globalisation of tobacco use and the challenges it poses to sovereign nations. It also advocates a bioethical basis in the pursuit of global solutions to expanding tobacco use.     

国内外禁止或限制烟草广告现状分析

文章对世界卫生组织《烟草控制框架公约》生效前后,世界上不同国家和地区禁止或限制烟草广告的现状以及趋势进行了分析,并结合《烟草控制框架公约》有关烟草广告的具体规定,提出了新形势下如何合理合法开展烟草产品的广告宣传工作的一些建议。      

Investing in youth tobacco control: a review of smoking prevention and control strategies

OBJECTIVE: To provide a comprehensive review of interventions and policies aimed at reducing youth cigarette smoking in the United States, including strategies that have undergone evaluation and emerging innovations that have not yet been assessed for efficacy. DATA SOURCES: Medline literature searches, books, reports, electronic list servers, and interviews with tobacco control advocates. DATA SYNTHESIS: Interventions and policy approaches that have been assessed or evaluated were categorised using a typology with seven categories (school based, community interventions, mass media/public education, advertising restrictions, youth access restrictions, tobacco excise taxes, and direct restrictions on smoking). Novel and largely untested interventions were described using nine categories. CONCLUSIONS: Youth smoking prevention and control efforts have had mixed results. However, this review suggests a number of prevention strategies that are promising, especially if conducted in a coordinated way to take advantage of potential synergies across interventions. Several types of strategies warrant additional attention and evaluation, including aggressive media campaigns, teen smoking cessation programmes, social environment changes, community interventions, and increasing cigarette prices. A significant proportion of the resources obtained from the recent settlement between 46 US states and the tobacco industry should be devoted to expanding, improving and evaluating "youth centred" tobacco prevention and control activities.