GENDER,CAMPAIGN FINANCE,AND ELECTORAL SUCCESS IN MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS

ABSTRACT: Despite high success rates when they run for office, women are still underrepresented in federal, state, and local elective office. Past research has explored factors that contribute to the scarcity of female candidates on the state and federal level, but little attention has been paid to the local level. This article begins to fill that gap by exploring electoral and fundraising patterns in mayoral and council elections in seven cities. We find that, similar to state and federal elections, women do just as well as men when they seek office but fewer women run. Further, of the women who do mount campaigns their backgrounds are quite similar to male candidates, raise comparable amounts of campaign funds, and receive contributions from the same sources. In general, we found few differences between male and female candidates. These findings highlight the importance of self‐selection in the decision to run for office.     

Metropolitan Latino Political Behavior: Voter Turnout and Candidate Preference in Los Angeles

Abstract: Most research on Latino voting behavior conclusively finds that as a group, Latinos vote at lower rates than other racial and ethnic groups in the United States. In this article, we argue that given the appropriate circumstances, Latinos should be expected to vote at higher rates than other racial and ethnic groups. In particular, we think the presence of a viable Latino candidate will spur increased Latino turnout and that when Latinos candidates run for office, Latino voters will prefer the co‐ethnic candidate. Analyzing precinct level returns from the Los Angeles 2001 mayoral and the 2000 presidential elections we show this may be the case. High‐density Latino precincts show higher rates of turnout when Latino candidates are on the ballot, and these same precincts show heightened support for the co‐ethnic candidate. In fact, for the first time ever in Los Angeles, the 2001 mayoral election witnessed Latinos voting at the highest rates of any racial or ethnic group in the city.     

FOLLOWING THE MONEY: THE INFLUENCE OF CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM IN THE 2011 CHICAGO MAYORAL ELECTION

In this research we study the effect of recently enacted campaign contribution limits in Illinois via an examination of the 2011 Chicago mayoral election. Because contribution limits for state and local campaigns were implemented in the middle of the race for mayor we are uniquely positioned to test the efficacy of the new law. In theory we expect contribution limits to cause candidates to rely on more contributors making smaller donations. Our results indicate that the reform measure did not prompt candidates to broaden their fundraising base, and only when Rahm Emanuel's campaign is considered alongside his opponents’ did the fundraising law reduce average contributions. In a concluding section we address the issue of whether the contribution limits established under the law are too high to produce meaningful reform.     

IDEOLOGICAL DEVELOPERS AND THE FORMATION OF LOCAL DEVELOPMENT POLICY: THE CASE OF INNER‐CITY PRESERVATION IN TEL AVIV

ABSTRACT: This article studies the role of ideological developers (IDs) in the formation and implementation of local development policy. The IDs are developers whose motivation is ideological as opposed to financial, and they initiate ideas rather than plans and projects. Based on a case study regarding inner‐city preservation, we claim that in Tel Aviv, IDs have much leverage on local decision making. The IDs are individuals with high personal capital, who focus on an issue that it is not championed by existing civil groups. As the IDs seek out influential routes to policy makers, they build circumstantial coalitions. Through these limited and conditional partnerships with administrators and other influential actors, the IDs apply pressure and advance their specific cause.     

TRAPPED OR ON THE SPRINGBOARD? HOUSING CAREERS IN LARGE HOUSING ESTATES IN EUROPEAN CITIES

ABSTRACT: In the first three decades after the Second World War in Europe millions of dwellings were built, in most cases on large estates in or near cities. At that time, many people in various kinds of household found these estates attractive and were happy to live on them. But, in the last two decades, in many parts of Europe social, economic, and physical problems have emerged and the reputation of the estates has suffered a deep decline. That is not to say that they have lost their function in the housing market: some groups might still be drawn to them—low‐income households who cannot find a decent, affordable place elsewhere, for example. In this article, we describe the current position of these estates in the housing careers of specific groups. Are there some groups who find them attractive places in which to live? Or do most people want to get away as soon as they can? Are some people “trapped”? We show that the situation differs substantially between parts of Europe, but even per estate and per household category. Our findings imply that intervention strategies with regard to these estates will have to become much more differentiated than they currently are.     

Spatiality and Growth Discourse: The Restructuring of America's Rust Belt Cities

Abstract: This article examines the prominent growth discourse that today characterizes Midwest rust belt cities. We extend present work on this topic by investigating how these Midwest coalitions construct their two central themes: an accelerated city competition in new global times and the need for leadership by entrepreneurial‐minded developers. Our study of St. Louis, Indianapolis, and Cleveland looks at the key ingredients found in these discourses, and show how they are used to legitimate the urban redevelopment plans promoted by growth coalitions.     

BIG CITY MAYORS: POLITICAL SPECIALIZATION AND BUSINESS DOMINATION IN THE 19TH AND 20TH CENTURIES

ABSTRACT: An examination of mayoral recruitment in 19 major American cities from 1820 to 1995 finds that mayors are now more likely to have prior political experience, serve longer in office, and have previously served on city councils. They are also less likely to come from business backgrounds, and those mayors who are still in business are less likely to have big business and manufacturing backgrounds. A multivariate analysis of mayors serving between 1870 and 1995 indicates that mayors from business backgrounds are less likely to be selected when their cities have partisan elections, when their cities have a large African American population, and when mayors are machine candidates. This analysis also finds that the number of mayors with business backgrounds declines as the number of college graduates increases, even though (after 1896) political machines disappeared and more cities adopted reform (council manager and commission) governments.     

BIG CITY,BIG TURNOUT? ELECTORAL PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN CITIES

ABSTRACT: This article seeks to describe and explain variation in voter turnout in American big city municipal elections using data from 332 mayoral elections in 38 large U.S. cities over 25 years. In my cross‐sectional time‐series analysis of turnout in mayoral elections, I find that city‐level demographic factors are only weakly correlated with turnout. By contrast, institutional and campaign factors explain much of the variation. The effect of Progressive era reforms on depressing turnout is greatest in the most competitive elections. I conclude by discussing the implication of the overall downward trend in turnout and changes cities can make to increase participation.     

Applying Black Threat Theory,Urban Regime Theory,and Deracialization: The Memphis Mayoral Elections of 1991, 1995, and 1999

Abstract: Until 1991 Memphis was the only major US city with a majority‐black population that had not elected a black mayor. Various explanations, including in‐fighting and competition among black city leaders and citizen aversion to candidates who attempt cross‐racial appeals, have been offered to explain the lack of an elected black mayor of Memphis prior to 1991. We first investigate how Herenton overcame these electoral obstacles to become Memphis’ first elected black mayor in 1991, and then won reelection in two consecutive reelection attempts. We then apply Herenton's campaign strategy and the vote in these elections to several popular theories of voting and election strategy in urban elections—black‐threat theory, urban regime theory, and deracialization. Our findings point to the new trend of biracial coalitions in the urban setting and suggest the importance of reconsidering the traditional theories of racial politics, such as the black threat thesis.     

Urban Informality: Toward an Epistemology of Planning

Community initiatives are efforts to assemble coalitions to carry out multi-sectoral interventions to effect broad community changes. Often, diverse actors bring disparate interests, ambiguous goals, and fuzzy theories of change into loose alliances to design and implement interventions. As time goes on, actors, goals, and strategies change. Initiatives follow the logics of participation and action more than that of research. These conditions make evaluation problematic. At the same time, many community initiatives have few, if any, resources for formal evaluation. This article discusses these evaluation predicaments and outlines a practical approach that takes into account the logics of participation, action, and research. Case material from the Southeast (Baltimore) Education Task Force illustrates these challenges and this approach.     

Opportunities and Constraints on Mayoral Behavior: A Historical‐Institutional Approach

Abstract A theoretical perspective that situates mayoral behavior within broader patterns of partisan competition is asserted here as a more satisfying explanatory framework for mayoral leadership than rival theories that focus on personality. Behavior is structured by the mayor's relationship toward the regime in power. Mayors are either affiliated or independent of the regime, and regimes are either strong or weak. Four leadership postures result, and case studies are used to demonstrate the robustness of the approach. Chicago mayor Richard J. Daley (1954–76) practiced reconstructive politics by modernizing the city's Democrat political machine. Atlanta mayor Andrew Young (1982–90) practiced the politics of articulation by upholding the commitments of the city's African‐American electoral coalition. New York City mayor David Dinkins (1990–93) practiced disjunctive politics when the liberal order to which he was faithful suffered a crisis of legitimacy. Finally, Cleveland mayor Dennis Kucinich (1977–79) practiced preemptive politics by challenging the robust regime of party regulars and bankers in his city with little success.     

RESILIENCE AND MIMETIC BEHAVIOR: ECONOMIC VISIONS IN THE GREAT RECESSION

The Great Recession was a moment of challenge for many regions and required that leaders reflect on their economic development strategies. Given the propensity of regions to adopt ideas and strategy “fads” that then inform policy debate, we seek to understand how two very different regions with different histories framed their responses to the recession. How did they conceptualize the economic challenge in their region? What did they envision as appropriate responses to this challenge? How did these visions relate to mimetic behavior of the past, in which largely uniform visions are adopted across diverse locations? Our findings show that economic development leaders in the Buffalo and Orlando regions advocated similar high‐tech/biomedical strategies as a way to diversify their economies and make them more resilient or less vulnerable to future shocks. By conceptualizing economic diversification in such similar ways, despite substantial regional differences, this pursuit of resilience or decreased vulnerabilities through economic diversification appears highly similar to prior mimetic behaviors. We consider the implications of this finding for theories of adaptive resilience in which the focus is on economic diversification as part of resilient processes and behaviors, rather than as a fixed characteristic or end state of regions. As practiced in our case studies, diversification for the purpose of resilient outcomes differs substantially from theoretical arguments explaining adaptive resilience as both behavior and process. We caution that policy and planning visions of resilience may therefore represent yet another fad to be mimicked ad infinitum. Nevertheless, adaptive resilience as defined in the literature may still offer promise as a practical strategy—just not one that we yet observe in practice.     

美国高校募款类型考察

以美国高校募款活动为线索,分别从不同角度总结和归纳了目前在美国高校较为成熟的几种募款类型。按捐赠者捐赠的额度与频率,将其分为例行年度募款、大额募款与终极捐赠募款;按劝募所得资金来源,将其分为企业募款、基金会募款、校友募款;还有针对某项宏观发展规划,不限定募款形式和募款次数,但限定募款任务和募款期限的募款方式,即专案募款。     

DO FIRST‐TIME HOME BUYERS IMPROVE THEIR NEIGHBORHOOD QUALITY?

ABSTRACT: This study examines the changes in neighborhood quality in communities where low‐income buyers have recently purchased homes. Three questions are addressed: Do lower‐income buyers buy in higher quality neighborhoods than the ones in which they rented? Are lower‐income buyers locating in higher quality neighborhoods than a comparison group of continuing renters? Are the neighborhoods of new buyers improving or deteriorating relative to those of continuing renters? Results of an analysis of a sample of persons who graduated from home buyer education classes in eight cities indicate that home buyers located in neighborhoods that were similar in quality to those in which they rented. Continuing renters in the sample, however, improved the quality of the neighborhoods between the first and second surveys, while home buyers did not. Finally, while the neighborhoods to which new buyers moved are improving, they are doing so at a slower rate than both the neighborhoods from which they moved and those of the continuing renters.     

ADAPTATION OR EXTINCTION? COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT LOAN FUNDS AT A CROSSROADS

ABSTRACT: This article examines community development loan funds (CDLFs), a type of community development financial institution that provides financing and technical assistance for businesses; for‐profit and nonprofit real estate and housing developers; nonprofit organizations looking for facility or operating capital; and low‐income individuals looking for financing to purchase or rehabilitate their homes. Like many nonprofits and social enterprises, CDLFs have experienced a worsening political and economic environment since 2000, leaving many of them struggling to stay alive as the subsidized capital necessary to fund their operations largely has evaporated. The article reviews CDLF origins, structures, and current activities; discusses the field's historic sources of subsidized capital and why they have shrunk; reviews potential new sources of capital and the organizational ways that CDLFs are responding to their changed environment; and makes recommendations for CDLFs, funders, and policy makers. It is based on organizational‐level data from annual surveys of CDLFs conducted by the CDFI Data Project and the Opportunity Finance Network; on two dozen interviews with CDLF, foundation and bank officers and staff and policy makers involved with the field; on documents from individual CDLF institutions; and on contemporary press accounts.     

PROGRESSIVE AND SUSTAINED SCHOOL REFORMS: FRAMING AND COALITION BUILDING IN SWISS CITIES

ABSTRACT: Urban politics in the early 21st century is structured by conflicts over social cohesion and economic competitiveness. Education policy takes center stage in this struggle as schools are institutions of both social and economic reproduction. I draw on arguments of urban regime and policy frame analysis to examine the politics of urban school reform in two Swiss cities. Empirically, I analyze neighborhood‐embedded bottom‐up school reforms committed to social cohesion. The paths these reforms eventually take were shaped by different coalitions geared around specific school policy frames. Frames indeed play a crucial role in building a coalition toward progressive school reforms. In addition, their sustainability in a political environment, increasingly shifting toward development policies, hinges on the dominant frame underlying the reforms as well as the properties of the network advancing them.     

WEAKENING STRONG BLACK POLITICAL EMPOWERMENT: IMPLICATIONS FROM ATLANTA'S 2009 MAYORAL ELECTION

Atlanta is perhaps the city with the greatest degree of black political empowerment (BPE) in the United States. Yet in 2009 a relatively weak white mayoral candidate nearly won the general and runoff elections over a field of stronger black candidates. Why? Treating Atlanta as a prototypical case, the article examines factors that undermine the capacity of blacks to retain control of mayoralties in strong BPE cities, with an emphasis on disruptions to black electorates, discontent among black citizens, and reinvestment in electoral politics by whites at the local level.     

FROM TOXIC TOURS TO GROWING THE GRASSROOTS: TENSIONS IN CRITICAL PEDAGOGY AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT

ABSTRACT: Structural inequalities in American public education are inextricably tied to deep‐seated patterns of racial and economic segregation. Children in poor neighborhoods are less likely to have the household resources, neighborhood institutions, or school amenities necessary for a good, challenging education. In response, a growing number of organizations have launched initiatives to simultaneously revitalize neighborhoods and improve public education, emphasizing youth participation as an essential component in their efforts. We draw upon ethnographic data from two such organizations to examine their practice of place‐based critical pedagogy in community development. We focus on how they engage marginalized, “hard‐to‐reach” youth via (1) experiential learning, to counter high‐stakes testing models and cultivate a sense of ownership in the local community, and (2) empowered deliberative action, in contextualized ways. The tensions embedded in these organizations’ complex efforts have implications for other groups of marginalized youth engaged in community development, especially in their attempts to help students gain concrete outcomes in community development and achieve long‐term sustainability.     

REFRAMING COMMUNITY PRACTICE FOR THE 21ST CENTURY: MULTIPLE TRADITIONS,MULTIPLE CHALLENGES

ABSTRACT: “Community” in the twenty‐first century seems to be everywhere and nowhere. On the one hand, the rhetoric of community is omnipresent, as nonprofit organizations, civic associations, government agencies, and even multinational corporate entities routinely describe their activities to be community‐oriented. On the other hand, community in the broader sense of shared interests or solidarities appears to be under unrelenting attack, challenged by sociopolitical forces and intellectual currents that point toward more fragmented social orders. Locating community as a particular field of practice poses similar dilemmas. This article summarizes the broad outlines of the history of “community organization” in the United States, emphasizing both its multiple traditions and the enduring nature of its practical and strategic dilemmas. It provides an analysis of the key intellectual and social challenges facing the field and the different kinds of pressures they may be exerting on the different traditions of community action. Finally, it suggests four “boundary‐crossing” areas of activity that cut across the inherited traditions and may represent emerging sources of innovation for community‐based action.