Macrononsense in multiculturalism.

Comments on article by Sue et al. (see record 2007-07130-001) on racial microaggression in clinical practice. Sue and his associates (May-June 2007) presented an interesting, but critically flawed, perspective on the nature of interracial interactions both in everyday life and in the consulting room. Sue and his colleagues (2007, p. 273) contended, for example, that racial microaggressions are "brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, and environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults to the target person or group." Moreover, their article leads one to believe that these microaggressions are somehow unique to interracial interactions. Sue and his colleagues seem intent on emphasizing the negative in interracial interactions, whether these interactions take place in the consulting room or in everyday life. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Racial microaggression? How do you know?—Revisited.

Comments on a reply by Sue et al. (see record 2008-05553-013). Sue, Capodilupo, Nadal, and Torino replied to four commentaries on their racial microaggressions article published in an earlier issue of the journal (Sue et al., May–June 2007). Sue et al. (2008) referred to three of the four authors, Schacht (2008), Thomas (2008), and Harris (2008), as “well-intentioned Whites”. The author states that After reading Sue et al.’s (2008) comments, I must admit to some anger and even more disbelief at a significant error. I am a native of La Republica Bolivariana de Venezuela and as such identify as a LatinoAmericano. While I personally dislike the term POC, the fact remains that per Sue et al.’s use of the definition, I fit into that categorical nomenclature. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

What's missing from the dialogue on racial microaggressions in counseling and therapy.

Comments on article by Sue et al. (see record 2007-07130-001) on racial microaggression in clinical practice. Sue et al.'s article on racial microaggressions offers valuable information on the insidious, covert nature of racism and its everyday impact on people of color. While I agree with almost every point made in Sue et al.'s article, I wish to comment on two points and to share some of my concerns about their practical implications. The first point has to do with the lack of clarity in distinguishing race from culture, and the second point involves brief phrases in the article that implicitly create a hierarchy of suffering that is problematic in the therapeutic context. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Racial microaggression? How do you know?

Comments on article by Sue et al. (see record 2007-07130-001) on racial microaggression in clinical practice. In April 2007 during a paper presentation at the University of Florida, I encountered Derald Wing Sue's account of a "real-life incident" in which he argued that a racial microaggression was committed against him. The story involved Sue and his colleague being asked by the flight attendant to move from where they originally sat in the plane in order to balance the weight in what seemingly was a small (propeller) aircraft. I was left wondering whether Sue had considered this alternative hypothesis for the flight attendant's service behavior instead of what would otherwise confirm his racial microaggression claim. The dissemination of biases and self-interests would be a tragic twist to both multicultural psychology's mission and the American Psychological Association's expressed interest in advancing psychology as an evidence-based science. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Documenting Weblog expressions of racial microaggressions that target American Indians.

The authors obtained and analyzed data from 10 weblogs (989 pages of raw data), in which online forum contributors expressed varying views on the discontinuation of a university's racialized mascot (i.e., Chief Illiniwek). First, the authors used a modified consensual qualitative research approach (C. E. Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997) to identify common themes among the data. Next, they used the Sue, Capodilupo, et al. (2007) racial microaggressions model to situate the themes from the current investigation within a relevant, parsimonious theoretical framework. The data fit well within the 3 broad categories of racial microaggressions identified previously in the literature (i.e., microinsults, microassaults, and microinvalidations). Extending the previous racial microaggressions model, 7 themes emerged from the data that comprised microaggressions targeting American Indians: (a) advocating sociopolitical dominance, (b) alleging oversensitivity, (c) waging stereotype attacks, (d) denying racism, (e) employing the logics of elimination and replacement, (f) expressing adoration, and (g) conveying grief. Some themes are consistent with previous microaggressions research, whereas others are specific to the current investigation. Implications for future research and campus interventions are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)     

Relationship between White racial identity attitudes and self-reported multicultural counseling competencies.

Tested a multicultural competency training model's hypothesis that counseling students' White racial identity development strongly influences their attainment of multicultural counseling competencies (H. B. Sabnani et al; see record 1991-16743-001). 128 White counseling graduate students completed measures of White racial identity development and self-reported multicultural counseling competencies. Students' White racial identity development, educational level, and clinical experience demonstrated moderate correlations with multicultural competencies. Regression analyses indicated that racial identity attitudes explained variability in competencies beyond that accounted for by demographic, educational, and clinical variables. Results suggest that racial identity attitude development should be considered an integral component in the planning of multicultural counseling training. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

A clarification.

Claims that M. Rokeach and S. J. Ball-Rokeach (see record 1989-25677-001) noted an isolated trend in their research data on the ranking of equality in national samples and pulled 1 supporting indicator from research on changes in White racial attitudes (H. Schuman et al, 1985) without examining the larger body of evidence. Trend data and incomparable data sets contradict Rokeach and Ball-Rokeach's conclusions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Implementing fairness in racial-group assessment requires assessment of individuals.

Replies to comments by R. J. Griffore (see record 2007-18356-020) and D. A. Newman et al (see record 2007-18356-021) on the author's original article (see record 2006-21079-024) on test validity and cultural bias in racial-group assessment. Helms notes that, given that within-group variance exceeds between-groups variance, racial groups are probably simulating a psychological construct that is more strongly related to individuals' test scores than to their respective racial group's mean test scores. Therefore, models of individual differences, such as her Helms individual-differences (HID) model, that remove construct-irrelevant racial variance, are needed to make the testing process fair at the level of individual African American, Latino/Latina American, and Native American test takers. Her HID model is intended to focus attention on identifying the factors responsible for the racial-group-level differences and, thereby, assist test users to look beyond presumed physical appearance (e.g., racial-group designations) for explanations of individuals' cognitive abilities, knowledge, or skills test scores. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Undereating or eliminating overeating?

Comments on an article titled Medicare's Search for Effective Obesity Treatments: Diets Are Not the Answer, by Mann et al (see record 2007-04834-008). The current authors state that on the basis of their review of studies of long-term outcomes of calorie-restricting diets, Mann et al. concluded that dieting does not lead to lasting weight loss. Although this conclusion is hardly new--see Stunkard's (1975, p. 196) famous verdict: "Of those who do lose weight, most will regain it"--it is still valuable in view of recent more optimistic claims that "the success rate for long-term weight loss is closer to 20%" (Fletcher, 2003, p. 822). Mann et al.'s (2007) indictment of dieting as a treatment for obesity seems warranted, but that indictment ought not to extend to efforts to eliminate overeating. No one denies the benefits of exercise, for which Mann et al. (2007) are strong advocates. An exercise regimen, however, does not address overeating tendencies and therefore may be ineffective or even counterproductive (insofar as exercise may "justify" overeating). Further, we must acknowledge that exercise may improve health without necessarily lowering weight. Muscle weighs more than fat does, so losing fat is not necessarily the same as losing weight. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Expanding racial identity theory to cover counseling process.

J. Pomales et al (see record 1986-15328-001) attempted to study the effects of Black racial identity on Ss' perceptions of culturally sensitive and culturally insensitive counselors. It is argued that attempts to assess racial identity via single variables trivialize the construct. It is further suggested that problems with the manner in which the racial identity attitude scale developed by T. A. Parham and the present author (see record 1981-21936-001) was used contributed to possible problems in scale reliability and interpretation. A theoretical explanation of the results of Pomales et al is offered. (19 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

"Asian Americans as a minority group": Comment.

Proposes additional variables for consideration in the work of S. Sue et al (see record 1976-04384-001) on the experiences and needs of Asian Americans. Variables include whether Asian Americans anticipate discrimination before arriving in the US, and whether Asian Americans receive unfair treatment from their own cultural group. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Gender and AIDS-related psychosocial processes: a study of perceived susceptibility, social distance, and homophobia

Over the past decade, researchers have accumulated evidence that suggests six main factors are associated with AIDS-related risk reduction behavior: (a) perceived susceptibility (Dolcini et al., 1995; van der Plight & Richard, 1994); (b) attitudes toward condoms (Catania et al., 1994; Maticka-Tynadale, 1991); (c) personally knowing someone with HIV/AIDS (Joseph et al., 1987); (d) perceived peer norms about risk-reduction (Maticka-Tyndale, 1991); (e) previous sexual activity (Joseph et al., 1987); and (f) self-efficacy (Aspinwall, Kemeny, Taylor, & Schneider, 1991; van der Plight & Richard, 1994). Furthermore, there is some suggestion that the epidemiology and sociocultural constructions of the disease has led to considerable gender, racial, and class differences in awareness of AIDS, perception of HIV threat, and HIV-relevant behavior (Cohan & Atwood, 1994; Dolcini et al., 1995; Gillies, 1994).     

Racial groups and test fairness, considering history and construct validity.

According to Helms (see record 2006-21079-024), "test fairness" is defined as "removal from test scores of systematic variance attributable to experiences of racial or cultural socialization." Some of Helms's reasoning is based on earlier work, which recommended that racial group or category variables be replaced entirely with individual-level constructs, to reflect racial socialization experiences that vary within racial groups. Treatment of the test fairness issue--a social and political issue--will benefit from explicitly considering historical events that contributed to group-level race differences. In light of this history, D. A. Newman et al suggest (a) retaining a group-level conceptualization of race/racial socialization and also (b) focusing on criterion-irrelevant variance in test scores that is attributable to race. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

How multiculturalism obscures racial factors in the therapy process: Comment on Ridley et al. (1994), Sodowsky et al. (1994), Ottavi et al. (1994), and Thompson et al. (1994).

Argues that counseling psychologists have prematurely abandoned the study of racial factors in the psychotherapy process in favor of an all-inclusive version of multiculturalism. Using 4 multicultural articles (T. M. Ottavi et al [see PA, Vol 81:31317]; C. R. Ridley et al [see PA, Vol 81:30590]; G. R. Sodowsky et al [see PA, Vol 81:27909] and C. E. Thompson et al [see PA, Vol 81:30597] for illustrative purposes, this article suggests that the definitional imprecision of racial and cultural constructs has contributed to equivocal theoretical conceptualizations, methodological ambiguities, and practitioner confusion. Also, in reaction to the articles, future directions for research on racial factors in the psychotherapy process are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Stereotype Threat and the Social and Scientific Contexts of the Race Achievement Gap.

Comments on an article by Paul Sackett, Chaitra Hardison and Michael Cullen entitled On Interpreting Stereotype Threat as Accounting for African American-White Differences on Cognitive Tests (see record 2004-10043-001). In their article, Sackett, Hardison, and Cullen (see record 2000-16592-021) critiqued misrepresentations of the original stereotype threat findings presented by Steele and Aronson. They criticized representations of the research that suggest that stereotype threat explains all the racial achievement gap in academic performance when, in fact, the original studies statistically equated the ability of Black students and White students by using SAT scores as a covariate. As Sackett et al. acknowledged, Steele and Aronson did not claim that stereotype threat explains all the racial achievement gap, though as they suggested in their critique, it may have been a claim made implicitly and even explicitly in some media and textbook coverage of the work. The authors of this comment wish to make three points that Sackett and colleagues did not make. These points highlight the social and scientific contexts in which Sackett et al.'s critical commentary, and stereotype threat research in general, can be interpreted. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Yes, cavalier attitudes can have pernicious consequences.

Responds to the comments by J. J. Krueger, K. D. Vohs, and R. F. Baumeister (see record 2007-19520-015) on the current authors' original article, "Do people's self-views matter? Self-concept and self-esteem in everyday life" (see record 2007-01685-002). Krueger et al brought up many points with which the current authors agree. Nevertheless, as Krueger et al noted these points of agreement, the current authors focus instead on several points of continued disagreement. In addition, the current authors comment on a few new twists that Krueger et al have added to their argument. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Racial(ized) Identity, Ethnic Identity, and Afrocentric Values: Conceptual and Methodological Challenges in Understanding African American Identity.

A survey of the literature reveals that there is conceptual confusion and inconsistent and sometimes inappropriate usage of the terms racial identity, ethnic identity, and Afrocentric values. This study explored the extent to which Black racial(ized) identity attitudes were related to ethnic identity and Afrocentric cultural values. Two hundred and one African American college students attending a predominantly White university or a historically Black university completed the Cross Racial Identity Scale (B. J. Vandiver et al., 2000), the Nadanolitization Scale (J. Taylor & C. Grundy, 1996), the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (J. S. Phinney, 1992), and the Africentrism Scale (C. Grills & D. Longshore, 1996). Results of a canonical correlation indicated 2 significant orthogonal roots that were labeled a nonracialized ethnic identity and a racialized ethnic identity. The results suggest important similarities and differences among the various identity constructs. Implications for racial and ethnic identity research and Afrocentric research are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Reexamining the relationships between racial identity, cultural mistrust, help-seeking attitudes, and preference for a Black counselor.

The purpose of the present study was to examine the extent to which Black racial identity attitudes, cultural mistrust, and help-seeking attitudes predicted preference for a Black counselor in a sample of 168 African American adults. Participants were recruited from college and community settings in an urban, southern location in the United States. Participants completed 4 self-report measures: the Cross Racial Identity Scale (B. J. Vandiver et al., 2000), the Cultural Mistrust Inventory (F. Terrell & S. Terrell, 1981), the Attitudes Toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help—Short Form (E. H. Fischer & A. Farina, 1995), and a modified version of the Counselor Preference Scale (T. A. Parham & J. E. Helms, 1981). Multiple regression analyses revealed that racial identity, cultural mistrust, and help-seeking attitudes significantly predicted preference for a Black counselor. Elevated cultural mistrust attitudes, low assimilation attitudes, and strong internalized Afrocentric attitudes significantly and uniquely predicted participants' preference for a Black counselor. The results are discussed with respect to individual differences within groups. Implications for counselors and counseling center directors regarding counselor–client race matching are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Whites' opposition to busing: Symbolic racism or realistic group conflict?

The theory of symbolic racism contends that White individuals' opposition to busing springs from a basic underlying prejudiced or intolerant attitudinal predisposition toward Blacks, not self-interest or realistic group conflict motives. The present research argues that realistic group conflict motives do help explain Whites' opposition to busing. Two major criticisms of the symbolic racism approach are made: (a) that the tests of symbolic racism vs group conflict explanations of opposition to busing have not been fair because of a narrow definition of group interests that ignores the role of subjectively appreciated threat and challenges to group status; and (b) that by forcing racial attitudes onto a single continuum running from prejudice to tolerance, the symbolic racism researchers overlook the importance of the perception that the civil rights movement is a threatening force. By reanalyzing the Michigan National Election Study data (2,705 voting-age citizens in the 1972 phase and 2,248 in the 1976 phase) used by D. O. Sears et al (1979, 1980), the present research broadens the notion of self-interest and operates with a multidimensional conceptualization of racial attitudes. In so doing, the data demonstrate that Whites' opposition to busing reflects group conflict motives, not simply a new manifestation of prejudice. (63 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)