Varieties of regret: A debate and partial resolution.

Different interpretations of an apparent temporal pattern to the experience of regret were addressed through joint research. T. Gilovich and V. H. Medvec (1995a) argued that people regret actions more in the short term and inactions more in the long run because the sting of regrettable action diminishes relatively quickly, whereas the pain of regrettable inaction lingers longer. D. Kahneman (1995) disagreed, arguing that people's long-term regrets of inaction are largely wistful and therefore not terribly troublesome. Three studies that examined the emotional profile of action and inaction regrets established considerable common ground. Action regrets were found to elicit primarily "hot" emotions (e.g., anger), and inaction regrets were found to elicit both feelings of wistfulness (e.g., nostalgia) and despair (e.g., misery). Thus, some inaction regrets are indeed wistful (as Kahneman argued), whereas others are troublesome (as Gilovich and Medvec maintained). (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

On the benign qualities of behavioral disinhibition: Because of the prosocial nature of people, behavioral disinhibition can weaken pleasure with getting more than you deserve.

This article focuses on social situations in which people are surprised about what is happening and inhibited about how to respond to the situation at hand. We study these situations by examining a classic topic in social psychology: how people respond to receiving better outcomes than are deserved. In these situations, the actions of an authority or a coworker push in the direction of accepting and enjoying the unfair outcome, whereas personal values for most people push in the direction of rejecting or being displeased with the outcome. This conflict may inhibit people's response to the advantageous but unfair outcomes. If people are indeed inhibited about how to respond to these kinds of outcomes, then lowering behavioral inhibition by reminding people of having acted in the past without inhibitions (in a manner that is unrelated to the outcomes participants subsequently receive) should affect reactions to the outcomes. Specifically, we hypothesize that because many people are prosocial and want to adhere to principles of fairness, reminders of behavioral disinhibition will lead to less pleasure with the unfairly obtained outcomes. The results of 8 experiments (conducted both inside and outside the psychology laboratory) revealed evidence for this benign disinhibition effect on various reactions to outcomes that are better than deserved. In further accordance with our line of reasoning, the effect is particularly pronounced among those who adhere to a prosocial orientation or who have adopted a prosocial mindset and is not observed among those with proself orientations or mindsets. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)     

Nonverbal behavior and self-presentation.

Because of special characteristics of nonverbal behaviors (e.g., they can be difficult to suppress, they are more accessible to the people who observe them than to the people who produce them), the intention to produce a particular nonverbal expression for self-presentational purposes cannot always be successfully translated into the actual production of that expression. The literatures on people's skills at using their nonverbal behaviors to feign internal states and to deceive are reviewed as they pertain to the question of whether people can overcome the many constraints on the translation of their intentions into expressions. The issue of whether people's deliberate attempts to regulate their nonverbal behaviors can be detected by others is also considered. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Preferences as expectation-driven inferences: Effects of affective expectations on affective experience.

Presents a model arguing that affect and emotion are often formed in an expectation-driven fashion. A pilot study and 2 experiments manipulated undergraduate Ss' affective expectations (e.g., how funny they expected a set of cartoons to be) and whether Ss' expectations were confirmed (e.g., whether the cartoons really were funny). When the value of a stimulus was consistent with an affective expectation, people formed evaluations relatively quickly. Even when the value of a stimulus was discrepant from an affective expectation, people sometimes assimilated the value of the stimulus to their expectations. Other times, such as when making a more fine-grained evaluation of the cartoons, people noticed that they were discrepant from their affective expectations. Under these conditions, people appeared to have more difficulty forming preferences. They took longer to evaluate and spent more time thinking about the cartoons. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

The active control of prejudice: Unpacking the intentions guiding control efforts.

To date, there is little direct evidence that people who are motivated to respond without prejudice actively work to reduce their prejudice. The authors explored people's efforts to control prejudice for an upcoming interracial interaction. They proposed that people who were motivated to respond without prejudice should exert effort to control prejudice but that their efforts should reflect the intentions underlying their motivation. Behavioral evidence was provided across 3 studies supporting the contention that external motivation to respond without prejudice results in the intention to hide prejudice and that externally motivated people actively work to reduce detectable prejudice. In contrast, internal motivation gives rise to the intention to be free of prejudice, and internally motivated people actively work to eliminate any form of prejudice whether or not it would be apparent to others. The short- and long-term implications of these differential intentions are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

From self-conceptions to self-worth: On the sources and structure of global self-esteem.

Three factors were identified that uniquely contribute to people's global self-esteem: (a) people's tendencies to experience positive and negative affective states, (b) people's specific self-views (i.e., their conceptions of their strengths and weaknesses), and (c) the way people frame their self-views. Framing factors included the relative certainty and importance of people's positive versus negative self-views and the discrepancy between people's actual and ideal self-views. The contribution of importance to people's self-esteem, however, was qualified in 2 ways. First, importance contributed only to the self-esteem of those who perceived that they had relatively few talents. Second, individuals who saw their positive self-views as important were especially likely to be high in self-esteem when they were also highly certain of these positive self-views. The theoretical and therapeutic implications of these findings are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Self-esteem, mood, and self-evaluation: Changes in mood and the way you see you.

Three studies found that self-esteem moderates the relation between mood and self-evaluation. In Study 1, a standard mood-induction procedure was used to induce positive, negative, or neutral moods in low self-esteem (LSE) Ss and high self-esteem Ss. Afterward, Ss evaluated their specific qualities and characteristics (e.g., How smart are you? How kind are you?). Both self-esteem groups evaluated themselves favorably in a positive mood, but LSE Ss were more apt to lower their self-evaluations in a negative mood. Study 2 found a similar, though weaker, pattern using a noncognitive, musical mood induction; Study 3 found that these effects occur with variations in naturally occurring mood over a 6-wk period. The authors suggest that the tendency for LSE people to respond to negative mood with self-depreciation contributes to psychological distress. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

The influence of mortality and socioeconomic status on risk and delayed rewards: A life history theory approach.

Why do some people take risks and live for the present, whereas others avoid risks and save for the future? The evolutionary framework of life history theory predicts that preferences for risk and delay in gratification should be influenced by mortality and resource scarcity. A series of experiments examined how mortality cues influenced decisions involving risk preference (e.g., $10 for sure vs. 50% chance of $20) and temporal discounting (e.g., $5 now vs. $10 later). The effect of mortality depended critically on whether people grew up in a relatively resource-scarce or resource-plentiful environment. For individuals who grew up relatively poor, mortality cues led them to value the present and gamble for big immediate rewards. Conversely, for individuals who grew up relatively wealthy, mortality cues led them to value the future and avoid risky gambles. Overall, mortality cues appear to propel individuals toward diverging life history strategies as a function of childhood socioeconomic status, suggesting important implications for how environmental factors influence economic decisions and risky behaviors. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)     

Procedural justice and status: Status salience as antecedent of procedural fairness effects.

The current article explores status as an antecedent of procedural fairness effects (the findings that perceived procedural fairness affects people's reactions, e.g., their relational judgments). On the basis of the literature, the authors proposed that salience of the general concept of status leads people to be more attentive to procedural fairness information and that, as a consequence, stronger procedural fairness effects should be found. In correspondence with this hypothesis, Experiment 1 showed stronger procedural fairness effects on people's relational treatment evaluations in a status salient condition compared with a control condition. Experiment 2 replicated this effect and, in further correspondence with the hypothesis, showed that status salience led to increased cognitive accessibility of fairness concerns. Implications for the psychology of procedural justice are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Do you two know each other? Transitivity, homophily, and the need for (network) closure.

The authors investigate whether need for closure affects how people seek order in judging social relations. In Study 1, the authors find that people who have a high need for closure (NFC) were more likely to assume their social contacts were connected to each other (i.e., transitivity) when this was not the case. In Studies 2 and 3, the authors examine another form of order in network relations—racial homophily—and find that high-NFC participants were more inclined to believe that 2 individuals from the same racial category (e.g., African American) were friends than two racially dissimilar individuals. Furthermore, high-NFC individuals were more likely to make errors when judging a racially mixed group of people; specifically, they recalled more racial homophily (racially similar people sitting closer together) than had actually appeared. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Elements of the Socratic method: III. Universal definitions.

Describes the content, process, and functions of universal definitions as used in psychotherapy. In the Socratic method, systematic questioning and inductive reasoning are used jointly to derive a universal definition. The content of universal definitions focuses on behavior labels (e.g., aggressive), evaluative standards (e.g., success), and abstract qualities (e.g., love). The process of using universal definitions in psychotherapy follows refutation, collection, and division to identify the essence of the concept. The functions of universal definitions include clarifying category membership, identifying potential causes, building new knowledge, broadening the client's perspective, limiting overgeneralizations, and guiding behavior change. Through the Socratic method, clients learn how to explore general emotional and interpersonal issues in an independent manner. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Intimacy and liking: Mutual influence and the role of unique relationships.

Traditional assumptions (e.g., there are traitlike differences in disclosure) predict that people who are generally liked should generally disclose (e.g., individual-level effects). In contrast, dynamic interactional models predict that significant disclosure–liking effects are apt to be a function of mutual influences in particular dyads (e.g., dyadic–level effects). To directly explore these issues and separately examine individual and dyadic effects, 45 sorority women were asked to indicate how much they disclosed to, received disclosure from, and liked each other. Social relations analysis (D. A. Kenny and L. LaVoie, 1984) revealed significant disclosure–liking effects only at the dyadic level, casting doubts on traditional assumptions and supporting a dynamic interaction model of disclosure–liking effects. Implications for personality and interpersonal relationships are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Very first impressions.

First impressions of people's personalities are often formed by using the visual appearance of their faces. Defining how quickly these impressions can be formed has critical implications for understanding social interactions and for determining the visual properties used to shape them. To study impression formation independent of emotional cues, threat judgments were made on faces with a neutral expression. Consequently, participants' judgments pertained to the personality rather than to a certain temporary emotional state (e.g., anger). The results demonstrate that consistent first impressions can be formed very quickly, based on whatever information is available within the first 39 ms. First impressions were less consistent under these conditions when the judgments were about intelligence, suggesting that survival-related traits are judged more quickly. The authors propose that low spatial frequencies mediate this swift formation of threat judgments and provide evidence that supports this hypothesis. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Relation of personality, expectancy, and situational variables to self-disclosing behavior.

Studied self-disclosure of female undergraduates after they performed a Gestalt awareness task either in the absence of E and one peer (personal situation) or in the presence of these people (interpersonal situation). Results suggest that knowledge of subjective expectancies, as well as situational contexts, is an effective predictor of what a person feels like inside (e.g., discomfort) and of how she responds to awareness-disclosure questions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

The Pleasures of Uncertainty: Prolonging Positive Moods in Ways People Do Not Anticipate.

The authors hypothesized that uncertainty following a positive event prolongs the pleasure it causes and that people are generally unaware of this effect of uncertainty. In 3 experimental settings, people experienced a positive event (e.g., received an unexpected gift of a dollar coin attached to an index card) under conditions of certainty or uncertainty (e.g., it was easy or difficult to make sense of the text on the card). As predicted, people's positive moods lasted longer in the uncertain conditions. The results were consistent with a pleasure paradox, whereby the cognitive processes used to make sense of positive events reduce the pleasure people obtain from them. Forecasters seemed unaware of this paradox; they overwhelmingly preferred to be in the certain conditions and tended to predict that they would be in better moods in these conditions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Tamara Dembo (1902–1993): Obituary.

Outlines the contributions of Tamara Dembo, one of the originators of psychological field theory, who did pioneering work in rehabilitation psychology. The effects of her research (e.g., how rehabilitation often involved adjusting environments to people) on disabled populations are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Perceiving one's own traits and others': The multifaceted self.

Four experiments supported the hypothesis that people see themselves as having rich, multifaceted, and adaptive personalities that result in the perceptions that they possess more traits than other people and are less predictable than other people. Experiment 1 showed that people perceived themselves as having more of opposing pairs of traits than they perceived others as having when they rated both self and an acquaintance on each trait in the pair separately, (e.g., serious and carefree). When the ratings were made on bipolar scales (e.g., serious vs. carefree), the self was rated as closer to the midpoint than was the acquaintance. Experiment 2 showed that the latter result reflects people's belief that they possess both traits in opposing pairs. Subjects in Experiment 2 also rated their behavior as less predictable than that of others. Experiment 3 replicated Experiment 2 and showed that people perceive that they have both members of pairs of opposing traits independent of the social desirability and observability of the traits. Experiment 4 indicated that familiar and liked persons are perceived to have more traits than unfamiliar and disliked persons. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

People versus object orientation, social behavior, and intellectual abilities in preschool children.

Relative preference for interacting with people vs objects (i.e., orientation) was observed in 38 4-5 yr olds during nursery-school free play. As expected, Ss who showed greater orientation to objects performed better on tests assessing ability to organize and classify physical objects. Contrary to expectations, greater orientation toward people was unrelated to tests assessing social knowledge (e.g., role-taking ability and moral judgment). Degree of social knowledge was found instead to relate to sociometric popularity with peers and to ratings of several aspects of social competence (e.g., peer leadership). Results suggest that interest in and knowledge of the physical environment form a mutually facilitating interactive system. A similar but separate interactive system may be formed between the effectiveness of social functioning and social knowledge. (29 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Group Belongingness and Procedural Justice: Social Inclusion and Exclusion by Peers Affects the Psychology of Voice.

The authors focus on the relation between group membership and procedural justice. They argue that whether people are socially included or excluded by their peers influences their reactions to unrelated experiences of procedural justice. Findings from 2 experiments corroborate the prediction that reactions to voice as opposed to no-voice procedures are affected more strongly when people are included in a group than when they are excluded from a group. These findings are extended with a 3rd experiment that shows that people who generally experience higher levels of inclusion in their lives respond more strongly to voice as opposed to no-voice procedures. It is concluded that people's reactions to procedural justice are moderated by people's level of inclusion in social groups. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)