Self-handicapping, excuse making, and counterfactual thinking: Consequences for self-esteem and future motivation.

Researchers interested in counterfactual thinking have often found that upward counterfactual thoughts lead to increased motivation to improve in the future, although at the cost of increased negative affect. The present studies suggest that because upward counterfactual thoughts indicate reasons for a poor performance, they can also serve as excuses. In this case, upward counterfactual thoughts should result in more positive self-esteem and reduced future motivation. Five studies demonstrated these effects in the context of self-handicapping. First, upward counterfactual thinking was increased in the presence of a self-handicap. Second, upward counterfactual thoughts indicating the presence of a self-handicap protected self-esteem following failure. Finally, upward counterfactual thoughts that protect self-esteem reduced preparation for a subsequent performance as well as performance itself. These findings suggest that the consequences of upward counterfactuals for affect and motivation are moderated by the goals of the individual as well as the content of the thoughts. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Defensive pessimism, optimism, and stimulating alternatives: Some ups and downs of prefactual and counterfactual thinking.

Four studies investigated the prefactual (alternative preoutcome predictions) and counterfactual (alternative postoutcome "what might have beens") mental simulations of defensive pessimists and optimists. In Study 1, defensive pessimists engaged in upward (better than expected) prefactual thinking, whereas optimists engaged in downward (worse than actuality) counterfactual thinking in reaction to a course exam. In Study 2, defensive pessimists preferred upward prefactual thinking and optimists preferred no prefactual thinking when prefactual thoughts were directly manipulated. In Studies 3 and 4, defensive pessimists and optimists differed in reactions to manipulated success and failure, and these reactions were further moderated by the opportunity to engage in prefactual thinking and the possibility of a second try. Individual differences in strategies of prefactual and counterfactual thinking are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Enhancing self-esteem by directed-thinking tasks: Cognitive and affective positivity asymmetries.

Insofar as people organize information about and evaluations of important topics in connected and coherent systems, attitudes may be changed from within by enhancing the salience of information already present virtually within the person's belief system without communicating new information from outside sources. A cognitive positivity bias is predicted such that stimulus evaluation (e.g., self-esteem) is affected more by characteristics that the stimulus possesses than by ones it lacks. Experiment 1 tested relations between participants' momentary self-esteem and concurrently salient desirable (vs undesirable) self-characteristics possessed (vs lacked). Experiments 2 and 3 changed participants' self-esteem by using directed-thinking tasks to manipulate the salience of desirable (vs undesirable) self-characteristics possessed (and, to a lesser extent, lacked). (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Mood management across affective states: The hedonic contingency hypothesis.

Mood management in positive and negative moods is relevant to a variety of social phenomena and has been especially important in the helping literature. Theorists have predicted that sad people strategically engage in mood management activities more than happy people. However, application of learning principles across affective states led the authors to hypothesize that hedonic rewards are more contingent on scrutiny of hedonic consequences in happy than sad states. Thus, happy people should scrutinize the hedonic consequences of potential behaviors more than sad people. A selective exposure paradigm was used to test this hedonic contingency hypothesis. People in whom happy, sad, or neutral states were induced were asked to choose activities in which to engage. In 3 experiments, happy people based their choices on the affective consequences of those activities more than sad or neutral individuals. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Effects of social comparison direction, threat, and self-esteem on affect, self-evaluation, and expected success.

Two studies explored the conditions under which social comparisons are used to manage negative affect and naturalistic threats. Study 1 examined induced mood and dispositional self-esteem as determinants of affective responses to upward and downward comparisons. Consistent with a mood repair prediction, only low-self-esteem Ss in whom a negative mood had been induced reported improved mood after exposure to downward comparison information. Study 2 examined the impact of naturalistic threats on responses to comparison information. Relative to a no-comparison baseline, low-self-esteem Ss who had experienced a recent academic setback reported more favorable self-evaluations and greater expectations of future success in college after exposure to downward comparison information. These results remained significant after controlling statistically for general distress. Implications for downward comparison theory are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Effects of self-esteem and performance feedback on future affective preferences and cognitive expectations.

Tested the hypothesis that individuals, regardless of their chronic levels of self-esteem, affectively prefer success to failure but cognitively continue to expect success or failure in a manner consistent with their chronic levels of self-esteem. 64 high, moderate, and low self-esteem females (Texas Social Behavior Inventory) were given either success, failure, or no feedback regarding their performance on an "analogies test." Ss' preference for performance, perceived ability for performance, and predictions for actual performance on a future task were assessed. As predicted, Ss preferred future success to future failure regardless of chronic level of self-esteem. Ss with high or low chronic levels of self-esteem perceived ability for future performance and expected actual future performance in a manner consistent with their chronic levels of self-esteem rather than consistent with feedback on current performance. (41 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Values, valences, and choice: The influences of values on the perceived attractiveness and choice of alternatives.

Hypotheses about relations between values, valences, and choice were tested in a study in which 239 university students completed the Schwartz Value Survey (S. H. Schwartz, 1992) and then responded to 10 hypothetical scenarios, each of which presented them with 2 alternative courses of action assumed to prime different value types from the Schwartz circular structure. For each scenario, participants rated the attractiveness or valence of each alternative and then indicated which one they would choose. Results showed that, as predicted, valences were related to value types, and choice of alternative was a function of both value types and valences. The pattern of relations was consistent with the assumption that values may induce valences on potential actions and outcomes and that value types may be organized into 2 bipolar dimensions, one of which contrasts openness to change with conservation and the other of which contrasts self-enhancement with self-transcendence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Body image, self-esteem, expectations, self-assessments, and actual success in a simulated job interview.

98 female undergraduates completed the Body Image Satisfaction Scale, Self-Cathexis Scale, Janis-Field-Eagly Self-Esteem Scale, and a job interview performance expectation scale prior to participating in a 15-min simulated job interview. After the job interviews, Ss rated their own performance. Two judges independently rated each S's performance by viewing videotapes of the job interviews. Expectations for job interview success were significantly related to both body satisfaction and self-esteem. Job interview self-ratings and the tendency to overrate or underestimate how well one actually performed were significantly related to self-esteem but not to body satisfaction. Body satisfaction was found to be subsumed by self-esteem in ability to predict interview expectations and self-assessments. Actual quality of interview performance was not related to either self-esteem or body attitudes. Discussion focuses on self-esteem consistency theory and implications for assisting applicants to assess more accurately their behavior in actual job interviews. (15 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Looking at the bright side: The affective monitoring of direction.

The monitoring of internal functioning and information processing can evoke affect, even when only affectively neutral stimuli are processed. Smooth functioning induces positive affect, whereas difficulties and interruptions lead to negative affect. In 2 studies, the authors investigated explicit and implicit affect induced by simple arrows pointing to either the left or the right. The authors expected that attentional shifts due to the arrows would be performed more easily in the reading direction, and lead to more positive affect, than shifts in the opposite direction. In Experiment 1, Dutch left-to-right readers subjectively rated arrows to the right much more positively than arrows to the left. In Experiment 2, an arrow pointing right speeded arm flexion (i.e., approach), whereas an arrow pointing left facilitated arm extension (i.e., avoidance), indicating strong implicit affective influences of the arrows. If affective monitoring indeed represents a basic mechanism for implicit affect elicitation, affect no longer needs to be analyzed exclusively in terms of conscious experience. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Affective influences on self-disclosure: Mood effects on the intimacy and reciprocity of disclosing personal information.

How does mood influence people's willingness to disclose intimate information about themselves? Based on recent affect–cognition theories and research on interpersonal behavior, 3 experiments predicted and found that people in a positive mood disclosed more intimate, more varied, and more abstract information about themselves. In contrast, people in a negative mood were more attentive to the behavior of others and reciprocated self-disclosure from their partners more accurately. This effect was obtained in hypothetical situations (Experiments 1 and 2) and in realistic computer-mediated interactions as well (Experiment 3). Experiments 2 and 3 confirmed that mood effects on self-disclosure were mediated by information processing style. The role of affect in information processing and relationship behaviors in particular is discussed, and the implications of these findings for everyday interaction strategies and for contemporary affect–cognition theorizing are considered. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)     

Risk-taking in games of chance and skill: Informational and affective influences on choice behavior.

Three studies to pinpoint the underlying dynamics related to risk-taking in skilled and chance situations are presented. Study 1 is an attempt to demonstrate that cognitive and motivational theories of risk-taking must be combined to account for individual differences in skilled situations. Here, both informational influences as related to uncertainty orientation (R. M. Sorrentino and J. C. Short, 1986) and affective influences as related to achievement-related motives are examined. In support of these notions, this study found that individual differences in uncertainty orientation and achievement-related motives combine to produce the greatest preference or avoidance of moderate risk (as opposed to low or high) in a skilled situation. Studies 2 and 3 show that the effect for uncertainty orientation generalizes to chance situations. Gender differences were also found to combine or interact with these effects. Taken together, these 3 studies help to clarify many issues remaining in the risk-taking area. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Mood influences on helping: Direct effects or side effects?

A review of the literature concerning the promotive influence of experimentally generated happiness and sadness on helping suggests that (a) increased helping among saddened Ss is an instrumental response designed to dispel the helper's negative mood state, and (b) increased helping among elated Ss is not an instrumental response to (maintain) the heightened effect but is a concomitant of elevated mood. A derivation from this hypothesis—that enhanced helping is a direct effect of induced sadness but a side effect of induced happiness—was tested in an experiment that placed 86 undergraduates in a happy, neutral, or sad mood. Through a placebo drug manipulation, half of the Ss in each group were led to believe that their induced moods were temporarily fixed, that is, temporarily resistant to change from normal events. The other Ss believed that their moods were labile and, therefore, manageable. As expected, saddened Ss showed enhanced helping only when they believed their moods to be changeable, whereas elated Ss showed comparable increases in helping whether they believed their moods to be labile or fixed. (40 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

The affective consequences of social comparison: Either direction has its ups and downs.

Research on social comparison processes has assumed that a comparison in a given direction (upward or downward) will lead to a particular affective reaction. In contrast, the present 2 studies proposed and found that a comparison can produce either positive or negative feelings about oneself, independent of its direction. Several factors moderated the tendency to derive positive or negative affect from upward and downward comparisons. In Study 1, cancer patients low in self-esteem and with low perceived control over their symptoms and illness were more likely to see downward comparisons as having negative implications for themselves. Those low in self-esteem were also more likely to perceive upward comparisons as negative. In Study 2, individuals with high marital dissatisfaction and those who felt uncertain about their marital relationship were more likely to experience negative affect from upward and downward comparisons. The implications of these findings for social comparison theory and for the coping and adaptation literature are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Cognitive/affective reactions in the improvement of self-esteem: When thoughts and feelings make a difference.

Investigated the hypothesis that in some contexts people may give more weight to their cognitive-affective reactions than to their behavioral reactions when making self-evaluative inferences. 69 university students who participated as Ss were administered the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventories and a self-concept inventory. In 1 of 2 contexts, Ss recalled either their positive cognitive-affective reactions, their positive behavioral reactions, or their unspecified positive reactions to several standard situations; these were reactions that had led them to feel a special appreciation for their own personal qualities. The experimental context of these recollections involved either private rehearsal, in which Ss simply thought about their past reactions, or public expression, in which they presented their reactions verbally while being tape-recorded. The impact of Ss' recollections on their subsequent self-esteem in each context was assessed. Results show that recalling positive cognitive-affective reactions had a significantly greater impact on self-esteem than did recalling positive behavioral or unspecified reactions when these recollections took place in a private, nonevaluative context, but not when they took place in the more public context in which the perspective of outside observers was likely to have been salient. Findings are discussed in terms of theories of self-inference processes and of actor–observer differences. Probable limitations of the findings are outlined. (73 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Mood influences on acute smoking responses are independent of nicotine intake and dose expectancy.

Acute responses to smoking are influenced by nicotine and by nonpharmacological factors such as nicotine dose expectancy and sensory effects of smoke inhalation. Because negative mood increases smoking reinforcement, the authors examined whether these effects may be altered by mood context. Smokers (n=200) participated in 2 sessions, negative or positive mood induction, and were randomized to 1 of 5 groups. Four groups comprised the 2×2 balanced placebo design, varying actual (0.6 mg vs. 0.05 mg yield) and expected nicotine dose (expected nicotine vs. denicotinized [denic]) of cigarettes. A fifth group was a no-smoking control. Smoking, versus not smoking, attenuated negative affect, as well as withdrawal and craving. Negative mood increased smoking reinforcement. However, neither actual nor expected nicotine dose had much influence on these responses; even those smokers receiving and expecting a denic cigarette reported attenuated negative affect. A follow-up comparison suggested that the sensory effects of smoke inhalation, but not the simple motor effects of smoking behavior, were responsible. Thus, sensory effects of smoke inhalation had a greater influence on relieving negative affect than actual or expected nicotine intake. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Conformity, veridicality, and self-esteem.

Prior to the application of group pressure to conform to an erroneous consensus in the Blake-Brehm procedure of counting auditory clicks, a control series was administered in the absence of social pressure to ascertain sheer counting accuracy in 2 groups of experimental Ss selected to differ in the degree of their measured self-esteem. Low self-esteem Ss were found to be significantly less accurate than high self-esteem Ss in counting accuracy under the nonsocial conditions. The results highlight the importance of controlling for competency in conformity research, particularly in studies utilizing such personality variables as self-esteem. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Agreement, attraction, and self-esteem.

Explored the role of increased self-esteem in mediating the relationship between attitudinal agreement and interpersonal attraction by creating conditions known to produce differential attraction and then testing for corresponding changes in self-esteem. 280 undergraduates were given a questionnaire measuring attitudes and self-esteem and were then exposed to a confederate student who (a) held either similar or dissimilar attitudes on a variety of current issues; and (b) had given them either a positive, a negative, or no personal evaluation. Posttreatment confederate evaluations and measures of self-esteem indicate that although the attraction manipulation was highly successful, no support was found for the notion that increased self-esteem was even a concomitant, let alone a determinant, of attraction. The only reliable posttreatment increase in self-esteem came from Ss who had been negatively evaluated, and appeared to be defensive in character. In addition, Ss receiving similar attitudes plus positive personal evaluations liked the stranger more, and those receiving dissimilar attitudes plus negative evaluations liked the stranger less, than did Ss who received the attitude similarity-dissimilarity manipulation only. These latter results suggest that current models of attraction in which the proportion of positive elements is the crucial factor should be reformulated. (French summary) (16 ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Implicit social cognition: Attitudes, self-esteem, and stereotypes.

Social behavior is ordinarily treated as being under conscious (if not always thoughtful) control. However, considerable evidence now supports the view that social behavior often operates in an implicit or unconscious fashion. The identifying feature of implicit cognition is that past experience influences judgment in a fashion not introspectively known by the actor. The present conclusion--that attitudes, self-esteem, and stereotypes have important implicit modes of operation--extends both the construct validity and predictive usefulness of these major theoretical constructs of social psychology. Methodologically, this review calls for increased use of indirect measures--which are imperative in studies of implicit cognition. The theorized ordinariness of implicit stereotyping is consistent with recent findings of discrimination by people who explicitly disavow prejudice. The finding that implicit cognitive effects are often reduced by focusing judges' attention on their judgment task provides a basis for evaluating applications (such as affirmative action) aimed at reducing such unintended discrimination. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Adoptees do not lack self-esteem: A meta-analysis of studies on self-esteem of transracial, international, and domestic adoptees.

Do adopted children show lower self-esteem than nonadopted peers, and do transracial adoptees show lower self-esteem than same-race adoptees? Adopted children are hypothesized to be at risk of low self-esteem. They may suffer from the consequences of neglect, abuse, and malnutrition in institutions before adoption. They have to cope with their adoptive status, which often includes difficulties associated with the lack of resemblance to their adoptive parents. Additionally, transracial and international adoptees may feel less integrated into their family, resulting in low self-esteem. In a series of metaanalyses, the authors found, however, no difference in self-esteem between adoptees (N = 10,977) and nonadopted comparisons (N = 33,862) across 88 studies. This was equally true for international, domestic, and transracial adoptees. Across 18 studies including 2,198 adoptees, no differences in self-esteem were found between transracial and same-race adoptees. In contrast, in a small set of 3 studies (N = 300), adoptees showed higher levels of self-esteem than nonadopted, institutionalized children. The authors' findings may be explained by adoptees' resilience to overcome early adversity, supported by the large investment of adoptive families. Adoption can be seen as an effective intervention, leading to normative self-esteem. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)