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1.
Survivors and victims of tobacco-related diseases can and should play significant roles in tobacco control advocacy efforts. This article describes one example of how to successfully incorporate their talents into a statewide programme.  相似文献   

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Katz JE 《Tobacco control》2005,14(Z2):ii31-ii37
Efforts to control environmental tobacco smoke (ETS) could be assisted if the tobacco control movement gave greater emphasis to the issue of individual rights. Benefits that may accrue from the promotion of a clear individual rights perspective in tobacco control include adding coherence to the tobacco control advocacy agenda and winning support from those who may have been concerned about loss of personal freedom, excessive governmental power, use of social coercion, or the rights of smokers. Risks also attend to such a policy. It might inadvertently assist the tobacco industry, stir resistance to ETS limitation efforts, or confuse tobacco control supporters. On balance, though, liabilities are outweighed by the ethical and operational merits in tobacco control of a heightened pro-individual rights stance.  相似文献   

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Objective

To assess whether media advocacy activities implemented by the Florida Tobacco Control Program contributed to increased news coverage, policy changes and reductions in youth smoking.

Methods

A content analysis of news coverage appearing in Florida newspapers between 22 April 1998 and 31 December 2001 was conducted, and patterns of coverage before and after the implementation of media advocacy efforts to promote tobacco product placement ordinances were compared. Event history analysis was used to assess whether news coverage increased the probability of enacting these ordinances in 23 of 67 Florida counties and ordinary least square (OLS) regression was used to gauge the effect of these policies on changes in youth smoking prevalence.

Results

The volume of programme‐related news coverage decreased after the onset of media advocacy efforts, but the ratio of coverage about Students Working Against Tobacco (the Florida Tobacco Control Program''s youth advocacy organisation) relative to other topics increased. News coverage contributed to the passage of tobacco product placement ordinances in Florida counties, but these ordinances did not lead to reduced youth smoking.

Conclusion

This study adds to the growing literature supporting the use of media advocacy as a tool to change health‐related policies. However, results suggest caution in choosing policy goals that may or may not influence health behaviour.Many scholars contend that media advocacy—the strategic use of mass media and grassroots community organising to advance health policy—is a powerful strategy to generate news coverage about tobacco control, strengthen tobacco control policy and reduce tobacco use.1,2,3 The news media bring policy initiatives to public and policymaker agendas4,5 and frame issues in ways of consequence for health policy.6 As a result, the short‐term goals of media advocacy are increasing in the volume of news coverage on a public health issue and framing coverage in ways that support policy solutions.7,8 This is most easily accomplished when grassroots organisations mobilise to draw the attention of news media to an issue.7,8,9 News coverage of grassroots efforts puts pressure on policymakers to devise and/or implement specific solutions to public health problems. The intermediate goal of media advocacy is thus to facilitate passage of policies conducive to public health. In the long term, these policies should promote healthier environments and create meaningful changes in health behaviour.7,8However, at the same time several authors note the shortage of research examining the role of news coverage in changing tobacco control policy and behaviour.10,11,12 The evidence base supporting media advocacy as a reliable strategy for advancing health policy and changing health behaviour is limited.13 Although one large study provides strong evidence that media advocacy contributed to meaningful changes in drunk‐driving behaviour,14,15,16 efforts to document the effectiveness of media advocacy for tobacco control are limited by constraints of case‐study methodologies for causal inferences,17,18,19,20 characterised by inconsistent results,20,21,22 focused on short‐run changes in news overage rather than long‐term policy and behaviour change,21,22,23 and/or confounded by other components within multifaceted community interventions.24,25 This study adds to this evidence base by assessing the effects of media advocacy, implemented as part of the Florida Tobacco Control Program (FTCP), on news coverage, tobacco control policy and smoking behaviour in Florida.The FTCP was a comprehensive education, marketing, prevention and enforcement campaign launched in 1998 to reduce smoking among Florida teens. The programme had three primary components: “truth”, a youth‐targeted media campaign; Students Working Against Tobacco (SWAT), a statewide youth anti‐tobacco group, and school‐based tobacco use prevention education.26,27 Evaluators observed substantial reductions in youth behaviour within 2 years of the programme''s inception, far outpacing national declines,26,27 and several studies show that the FTCP contributed to these reductions.27,28,29The FTCP''s media advocacy strategy, a secondary programme component, involved sending press releases and working with reporters to promote FTCP programmes, media training for local SWAT leaders and promoting media events coordinated with local SWAT activities. After the budget crisis between March 1999 and June 1999, when the Florida legislature cut annual programme funding from $70 million to $38.7 million,30 the FTCP initiated local mobilisation and media advocacy efforts to promote Tobacco Product Placement Ordinances (TPPOs). These ordinances, designed to reduce youth smoking by removing the visual and physical availability of cigarettes, would require retailers to place cigarettes and other tobacco products behind the counter. Local SWAT chapters used media advocacy to complement other efforts (community mobilisation, local events and presentations to county officials) in a combined effort to promote TPPOs at the county level.These efforts were seemingly met with success; between July 1999 and March 2002, 23 of 67 Florida counties passed TPPOs. However, the extent to which media advocacy and resulting news coverage contributed to these policies is unknown, and studies have not assessed whether these policies reduced teen smoking. Three conditions would strengthen conclusions about whether media advocacy contributed to the programme''s success. Firstly, programme‐related news coverage should increase after the onset of media advocacy efforts (hypothesis 1). Secondly, counties that received greater news coverage of SWAT events should be more likely to adopt TPPOs (hypothesis 2). Thirdly, counties that adopted TPPOs should witness greater subsequent declines in youth smoking than counties that did not (hypothesis 3). This paper tests these hypotheses by combining county news coverage estimates with county‐specific data on tobacco control policy and smoking behaviour.  相似文献   

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Objectives: To test: (1) whether citation under the Minors in Possession (MIP) law, vicarious citation (knowing someone who was cited), and threat of driving licence suspension are associated with decreased intentions to smoke next year; and (2) whether the policy is differentially enforced.  相似文献   

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BACKGROUND: In 1994, Arizona voters approved Proposition 200 which increased the tobacco tax and earmarked 23% of the new revenues for tobacco education programmes. OBJECTIVE: To describe the campaign to pass Proposition 200, the legislative debate that followed the passage of the initiative, and the development and implementation of the tobacco control programme. DESIGN: This is a case study. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with key players in the initiative campaign and in the tobacco education programme, and written records (campaign material, newspapers, memoranda, public records). RESULTS: Despite opposition from the tobacco industry, Arizonans approved an increase in the tobacco tax. At the legislature, health advocates in Arizona successfully fought the tobacco industry attempts to divert the health education funds and pass preemptive legislation. The executive branch limited the scope of the programme to adolescents and pregnant women. It also prevented the programme from attacking the tobacco industry or focusing on secondhand smoke. Health advocates did not put enough pressure at the executive branch to force it to develop a comprehensive tobacco education programme. CONCLUSIONS: It is not enough for health advocates to campaign for an increase in tobacco tax and to protect the funds at the legislature. Tobacco control advocates must closely monitor the development and implementation of tax-funded tobacco education programmes at the administrative level and be willing to press the executive to implement effective programmes.  相似文献   

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International covenants establish a role for governments in ensuring the conditions for human health and wellbeing, which has been recognised as a central human right. International trade agreements, conversely, prioritize the rights of corporations over health and human rights. International trade agreements are threatening existing tobacco control policies and restrict the possibility of implementing new controls. This situation is unrecognised by many tobacco control advocates in signatory nations, especially those in developing countries. Recent agreements on eliminating various trade restrictions, including those on tobacco, have expanded far beyond simply international movement of goods to include internal tobacco distribution regulations and intellectual property rules regulating advertising and labelling. Our analysis shows that to the extent trade agreements protect the tobacco industry, in itself a deadly enterprise, they erode human rights principles and contribute to ill health. The tobacco industry has used trade policy to undermine effective barriers to tobacco importation. Trade negotiations provide an unwarranted opportunity for the tobacco industry to assert its interests without public scrutiny. Trade agreements provide the industry with additional tools to obstruct control policies in both developed and developing countries and at every level. The health community should become involved in reversing these trends, and help promote additional measures to protect public health.  相似文献   

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Objective: Comprehensive tobacco control policies for US colleges and universities have been proposed by several groups in order to counter the rising use of tobacco by students enrolled in these institutions. Student opinion of these policies is not known, and concern about student opposition is one barrier that deters administrators from adopting the policies. This study measured student support for recommended college tobacco control policies.

Design: Mailed survey of US college students (2001 Harvard School of Public Health College Alcohol Study).

Setting: 119 nationally representative, four-year colleges and universities in the USA.

Participants: 10 904 randomly selected undergraduate students enrolled at participating schools.

Main outcome measures: Students' opinion of 7 proposed tobacco control policies.

Results: A majority of students supported each policy. Over three quarters of students favoured smoke-free policies for all college buildings, residences, and dining areas, while 71% supported prohibiting tobacco advertising and sponsorship of campus social events, 59% favoured prohibiting tobacco sales on campus, and 51% supported smoke-free campus bars. All policies had more support among non-smokers than smokers (p < 0.001). Among smokers, support for policies was inversely related to intention to quit and intensity of tobacco consumption. Because college students' tobacco consumption is low, a majority of smokers favoured banning smoking in college buildings and dining areas and prohibiting tobacco marketing on campus.

Conclusions: Student support for proposed campus tobacco control policies is strong, even among smokers, and broadly based across demographic subgroups. These findings should provide reassurance to college administrators who are considering adopting these policies.

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OBJECTIVE: To provide a comprehensive review of interventions and policies aimed at reducing youth cigarette smoking in the United States, including strategies that have undergone evaluation and emerging innovations that have not yet been assessed for efficacy. DATA SOURCES: Medline literature searches, books, reports, electronic list servers, and interviews with tobacco control advocates. DATA SYNTHESIS: Interventions and policy approaches that have been assessed or evaluated were categorised using a typology with seven categories (school based, community interventions, mass media/public education, advertising restrictions, youth access restrictions, tobacco excise taxes, and direct restrictions on smoking). Novel and largely untested interventions were described using nine categories. CONCLUSIONS: Youth smoking prevention and control efforts have had mixed results. However, this review suggests a number of prevention strategies that are promising, especially if conducted in a coordinated way to take advantage of potential synergies across interventions. Several types of strategies warrant additional attention and evaluation, including aggressive media campaigns, teen smoking cessation programmes, social environment changes, community interventions, and increasing cigarette prices. A significant proportion of the resources obtained from the recent settlement between 46 US states and the tobacco industry should be devoted to expanding, improving and evaluating "youth centred" tobacco prevention and control activities.  相似文献   

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OBJECTIVE: To compare the rate and slant of local tobacco control print media coverage in ASSIST (American stop smoking intervention study) states as compared with non-ASSIST states. METHODS: Local tobacco control policy articles, editorials, and letters to the editors published from 1994 to 1998 clipped from all daily local newspapers in the USA were analysed (n = 95 911). The main hypothesis tested for the existence of an interaction between ASSIST intervention and time. This interaction would represent a change in the difference between ASSIST and non-ASSIST states over the course of the intervention. RESULTS: No evidence of an ASSIST-year interaction was found. However, a main effect for ASSIST was significant for the percentage of articles with the model predicting higher rates of articles for ASSIST states. Similarly the rate of letters to the editor expressing protobacco control views was higher in ASSIST states than non-ASSIST states. No main effects or interactions were found for analyses of percentage of protobacco control editorials. Models controlled for a measure of preintervention tobacco control conditions at baseline. CONCLUSIONS: The presence of an ASSIST main effect should be interpreted with caution because of the quasi-experimental design and the lack of information on article rates before the ASSIST intervention. Nonetheless, these preliminary findings suggest some possible effects of the media advocacy activities of ASSIST when controlling for differences in states' initial tobacco control conditions.  相似文献   

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