Relation between affective and dispositional guilt.

Administered the Mosher Forced-Choice Guilt Inventory, G. G. Galbraith's Word Association Test, and the Perceived Guilt Index, a trait-state measure of affective guilt, to 48 female undergraduates. Results indicate that while the Mosher and G-Trait scales are independent measures of guilt, taken together they are related to S's tendency to make sexual responses; Ss who scored low on both the G-Trait and the G-State scales made more sexual responses than Ss who scored high on both, or low on one and high on the other. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

The association of shame and guilt with suicidality

1,25-dihydroxyvitamin D3 (VD) is a modulator of growth and differentiation of many cell types, including keratinocytes. We have recently shown in cultured keratinocytes that VD induces tyrosine phosphorylation of proteins involved in signal transduction, such as Shc. In an attempt to identify VD-responsive tyrosine kinases, we studied the effects of VD on the activity of the nonreceptor tyrosine kinase Src. Although VD did not stimulate Src activity in keratinocytes cultured in standard media containing 0.15 mM calcium, preincubation of the cells with 1.8 mM Ca2+ caused a rapid activation of Src in response to VD (10(-8)-10(-7) M). Elevation of calcium concentration alone caused an increase in Src activity as well, but the peak of Src activity was delayed (60 min vs. 15 min) and approximately 2-fold lower in comparison with VD-treated cells. VD treatment also induced tyrosine dephosphorylation of Src and a formation of an Src-Shc-Grb2 complex. Taken together, these findings imply that Src is involved in VD signaling in keratinocytes.     

Awareness of guilt and shame in intimate violence

A Monte Carlo simulation model was developed for the spread of antibiotic-resistant bacteria in hospital units. The model allows for the representation of every patient and staff member. Staff-patient interactions, staff handwashing compliance, admission of colonized patients, and antibiotic use are included in the model. The simulation model provides colonization curves for patients and staff and offers the possibility of simulating different kinds of hospital units. Simulation of the spread of an antibiotic-resistant pathogen in an intensive care unit was performed. We studied the impact of handwashing compliance on colonization. The importance of handwashing in preventing colonization and the influence of admission of colonized patients in perpetuating an epidemic were confirmed by the model. The model offers a new approach to modeling the spread of nosocomial pathogens in hospital units. It allows one to study the impact of infection control measures and represents a valuable educational tool for staff.     

Proneness to shame, proneness to guilt, and psychopathology.

Examined the links between shame, guilt, and psychopathology. In 2 studies, 245 and 234 undergraduates completed the Self-Conscious Affect and Attribution Inventory, the SCL-90, the Beck Depression Inventory, the State-Trait Anxiety Scale, and the Attributional Style Questionnaire. Results failed to support H. B. Lewis's (1971) notion that shame and guilt are differentially related to unique symptom clusters. Shame-proneness was strongly related to psychological maladjustment in general. Guilt-proneness was only moderately related to psychopathology; correlations were ascribable entirely to the shared variance between shame and guilt. Although clearly related to a depressogenic attributional style, shame accounted for substantial variance in depression, above and beyond attributional style. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Conceptual and methodological issues in the assessment of shame and guilt

Although shame and guilt are prominently cited in theories of moral behaviour and psychopathology, surprisingly little research has considered these emotions. A key factor hindering research in this area has been a need for psychometrically sound measures of shame and guilt. Fortunately, a number of new measures have been developed in recent years. In this article, I describe the current status of the assessment of these long-neglected emotions, highlighting both conceptual and methodological issues that arise in the measurement of shame and guilt. I begin with a discussion of several definitions of and distinctions between shame and guilt, summarizing the degree to which these alternative conceptualizations have been empirically supported. This background is important when evaluating the relative strengths and weaknesses of a given measurement strategy (e.g. the degree to which a strategy is grounded in a sound conceptual framework). I then describe specific measures of shame and guilt, including dispositional measures (i.e. assessing individual differences in proneness to shame and proneness to guilt across situations) and state measures (i.e. assessing feelings of shame and guilt in the moment), offering my observations on their respective strengths and weaknesses and some suggestions for future measurement development.     

Introducing the GASP scale: A new measure of guilt and shame proneness.

Although scholars agree that moral emotions are critical for deterring unethical and antisocial behavior, there is disagreement about how 2 prototypical moral emotions—guilt and shame—should be defined, differentiated, and measured. We addressed these issues by developing a new assessment—the Guilt and Shame Proneness scale (GASP)—that measures individual differences in the propensity to experience guilt and shame across a range of personal transgressions. The GASP contains 2 guilt subscales that assess negative behavior-evaluations and repair action tendencies following private transgressions and 2 shame subscales that assess negative self-evaluations (NSEs) and withdrawal action tendencies following publically exposed transgressions. Both guilt subscales were highly correlated with one another and negatively correlated with unethical decision making. Although both shame subscales were associated with relatively poor psychological functioning (e.g., neuroticism, personal distress, low self-esteem), they were only weakly correlated with one another, and their relationships with unethical decision making diverged. Whereas shame–NSE constrained unethical decision making, shame–withdraw did not. Our findings suggest that differentiating the tendency to make NSEs following publically exposed transgressions from the tendency to hide or withdraw from public view is critically important for understanding and measuring dispositional shame proneness. The GASP's ability to distinguish these 2 classes of responses represents an important advantage of the scale over existing assessments. Although further validation research is required, the present studies are promising in that they suggest the GASP has the potential to be an important measurement tool for detecting individuals susceptible to corruption and unethical behavior. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)     

The role of public exposure in moral and nonmoral shame and guilt.

Although scholarly traditions assume that shame results more from the public exposure of a transgression or incompetence than guilt does, this distinction has little empirical support. Four studies, using either undergraduate participants' responses to hypothetical scenarios, their remembered experiences, or the coding of literary passages, reexamined this issue. Supporting traditional claims, public exposure of both moral (transgressions) and nonmoral (incompetence) experiences was associated more with shame than with guilt. Shame was also more strongly linked with nonmoral experiences of inferiority, suggesting 2 core features of shame: its links with public exposure and with negative self-evaluation. The distinctive features of guilt included remorse, self-blame, and the private feelings associated with a troubled conscience. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Tracking the trajectory of shame, guilt, and pride across the life span.

The authors examined age differences in shame, guilt, and 2 forms of pride (authentic and hubristic) from age 13 years to age 89 years, using cross-sectional data from 2,611 individuals. Shame decreased from adolescence into middle adulthood, reaching a nadir around age 50 years, and then increased in old age. Guilt increased from adolescence into old age, reaching a plateau at about age 70 years. Authentic pride increased from adolescence into old age, whereas hubristic pride decreased from adolescence into middle adulthood, reaching a minimum around age 65 years, and then increased in old age. On average, women reported experiencing more shame and guilt; Blacks reported experiencing less shame and Asians more hubristic pride than other ethnicities. Across the life span, shame and hubristic pride tended to be negatively related to psychological well-being, and shame-free guilt and authentic pride showed positive relations with well-being. Overall, the findings support the maturity principle of personality development and suggest that as people age they become more prone to experiencing psychologically adaptive self-conscious emotions, such as guilt and authentic pride, and less prone to experiencing psychologically maladaptive ones, such as shame and hubristic pride. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Are shame, guilt, and embarrassment distinct emotions?

182 undergraduates described personal embarrassment, shame, and guilt experiences and rated these experiences on structural and phenomenological dimensions. Contrary to popular belief, shame was no more likely than guilt to be experienced in "public" situations; all 3 emotions typically occurred in social contexts, but a significant proportion of shame and guilt events occurred when respondents were alone. Analyses of participants' phenomenological ratings clearly demonstrated that shame, guilt, and embarrassment are not merely different terms for the same affective experience. In particular, embarrassment was a relatively distant neighbor of shame and guilt, and the differences among the 3 could not be explained simply by intensity of affect or by degree of moral transgression. Finally, participants generally were their own harshest critics in each type of event, evaluating themselves more negatively than they believed others did. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

The effects of shame, guilt, and the negative reaction in brief dynamic psychotherapy.

Developed the Therapy Shame and Guilt Scale (TSGS) to test the hypothesis that patients' degree of shame and guilt would be significant predictors of therapy outcome. 35 patients (aged 20–80 yrs) with neurotic and/or character disorders received 16 weekly sessions of psychodynamically oriented psychotherapy. Two judges' ratings of Sessions 1, 5, 8, and 14 on the TSGS demonstrated that patient levels of shame and (especially) guilt were associated with therapeutic outcome. The TSGS was a better predictor of outcome than the Vanderbilt Negative Indicators Scale (VNIS), whose major point of overlap with the TSGS was the VNIS item of self-rejection. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Relation of shame and guilt to constructive versus destructive responses to anger across the lifespan.

This study explored the relation of shame proneness and guilt proneness to constructive versus destructive responses to anger among 302 children ( Grades 4–6 ), 427 adolescents ( Grades 7–11), 176 college students, and 194 adults. Across all ages, shame proneness was clearly related to maladaptive responses to anger, including malevolent intentions; direct, indirect, and displaced aggression; self-directed hostility; and negative long-term consequences. In contrast, guilt proneness was associated with constructive means of handling anger, including constructive intentions, corrective action and nonhostile discussion with the target of the anger, cognitive reappraisals of the target's role, and positive long-term consequences. Escapist-diffusing responses showed some interesting developmental trends. Among children, these dimensions were positively correlated with guilt and largely unrelated to shame; among older participants, the results were mixed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Nuestra culpa: Collective guilt and shame as predictors of reparation for historical wrongdoing.

Three studies examined the hypothesis that collective guilt and shame have different consequences for reparation. In 2 longitudinal studies, the ingroup was nonindigenous Chileans (Study 1: N = 124/120, lag = 8 weeks; Study 2: N = 247/137, lag = 6 months), and the outgroup was Chile's largest indigenous group, the Mapuche. In both studies, it was found that collective guilt predicted reparation attitudes longitudinally. Collective shame had only cross-sectional associations with reparation and no direct longitudinal effects. In Study 2, collective shame moderated the longitudinal effects of collective guilt such that the effects of guilt were stronger for low-shame respondents. In Study 3 (N = 193 nonindigenous Chileans), the cross-sectional relationships among guilt, shame, and reparation attitudes were replicated. The relationship between shame and reparation attitudes was mediated by a desire to improve the ingroup's reputation. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Shamed into anger? The relation of shame and guilt to anger and self-reported aggression.

The relation of shame and guilt to anger and aggression has been the focus of considerable theoretical discussion, but empirical findings have been inconsistent. Two recently developed measures of affective style were used to examine whether shame-proneness and guilt-proneness are differentially related to anger, hostility, and aggression. In 2 studies, 243 and 252 undergraduates completed the Self-Conscious Affect and Attribution Inventory, the Symptom Checklist 90, and the Spielberger Trait Anger Scale. Study 2 also included the Test of Self-Conscious Affect and the Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory. Shame-proneness was consistently correlated with anger arousal, suspiciousness, resentment, irritability, a tendency to blame others for negative events, and indirect (but not direct) expressions of hostility. Proneness to "shame-free" guilt was inversely related to externalization of blame and some indices of anger, hostility, and resentment. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Assessing individual differences in proneness to shame and guilt: Development of the Self-Conscious Affect and Attribution Inventory.

Individual differences in proneness to shame and proneness to guilt are thought to play an important role in the development of both adaptive and maladaptive interpersonal and intrapersonal processes. But little empirical research has addressed these issues, largely because no reliable, valid measure has been available to researchers interested in differentiating proneness to shame from proneness to guilt. The Self-Conscious Affect and Attribution Inventory (SCAAI) was developed to assess characteristic affective, cognitive, and behavioral responses associated with shame and guilt among a young adult population. The SCAAI also includes indices of externalization of cause or blame, detachment/unconcern, pride in self, and pride in behavior. Data from 3 independent studies of college students and 1 study of noncollege adults provide support for the reliability of the main SCAAI subscales. Moreover, the pattern of relations among the SCAAI subscales and the relation of SCAAI subscales to 2 extant measures of shame and guilt support the validity of this new measure. The SCAAI appears to provide related but functionally distinct indices of proneness to shame and guilt in a way that these previous measures have not. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

"Proneness to shame, proneness to guilt, and psychopathology:" Correction.

Reports an error in the original article by J. P. Tangney et al ( Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 1992, Vol 101[3], 469–478). The squared multiple correlation data in Tables 3 and 4 were misplaced. The corrected tables are given. (The following abstract of this article originally appeared in record 1992-43157-001). Examined the links between shame, guilt, and psychopathology. In 2 studies, 245 and 234 undergraduates completed the Self-Conscious Affect and Attribution Inventory, the SCL-90, the Beck Depression Inventory, the State-Trait Anxiety Scale, and the Attributional Style Questionnaire. Results failed to support H. B. Lewis's (1971) notion that shame and guilt are differentially related to unique symptom clusters. Shame-proneness was strongly related to psychological maladjustment in general. Guilt-proneness was only moderately related to psychopathology; correlations were ascribable entirely to the shared variance between shame and guilt. Although clearly related to a depressogenic attributional style, shame accounted for substantial variance in depression, above and beyond attributional style. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Are shame and guilt related to distinct self-discrepancies? A test of Higgins's (1987) hypotheses.

A study of 229 undergraduates examined whether specific self-discrepancies are differentially related to shame proneness and guilt proneness. Contrary to E. T. Higgins (1987), but in line with the present authors' expectations, the tendency to experience shame, but not guilt, was positively related to all types of self-discrepancies. An attempt was also made to replicate E. T. Higgins, Klein, and Strauman's (1985) findings that specific self-discrepancies are associated with distinct emotion syndromes. No support was found for the central hypotheses of self-discrepancy theory. Finally, the authors evaluated the utility of two methods for assessing self-discrepancies: Higgins's qualitative method and quantitative adjective ratings. The two methods yielded essentially identical relationships to other variables. The very high correlations among different types of self-discrepancies within each method, however, raise discriminant validity concerns. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Ultrasonic vocalizations as indices of affective states in rats.

Adult rats spontaneously vocalize in ultrasonic frequencies. Although these ultrasonic vocalizations (USVs) have been described as by-products of locomotor activity or social signals, accumulating evidence suggests that they may also index anticipatory affective states. Converging ethological, pharmacological, and brain stimulation research indicates that whereas long low-frequency (> 0.3-s, 22-kHz) USVs occur during anticipation of punishment or avoidance behavior, short, high-frequency (     

Self-appraised problem-solving ability, affective states, and psychological distress.

According to the social problem-solving model, a positive problem orientation wards off negative affect and promotes positive affect to enhance problem solving. It was hypothesized that the Problem-Solving Confidence and Personal Control factors on the Problem-Solving Inventory (P. P. Heppner, 1988) constitute facets of the problem orientation component; therefore, these variables should be significantly associated with negative affect, positive affect, and psychological distress over time. In a series of studies, a positive problem orientation was prospectively associated with greater positive and lower negative affect under a variety of conditions. However, the relation of the problem orientation variables to distress appeared to be mediated by trait affectivity. Results are interpreted in light of the social problem-solving model, and implications for counseling are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)     

Dependency and self-criticism: Vulnerability factors for depressive affective states.

A variety of theories have explained inappropriate negative affective states in terms of the activation of cognitive-affective structures by stressful events. To have predictive value, such theories need to specify the conditions under which activation will occur. The principle of specificity states that the degree of congruence between an event and a structure determines the probability of the structure's being activated. Counterposed to this principle is the principle of nonspecificity, based on the notion of the assimilation of diverse events by highly accessible structures. To test the relative importance of specificity and nonspecificity, dependent (n?=?16), self-critical (n?=?14), and control (n?=?15) female college students were selected using the Depressive Experiences Questionnaire. They listened to audiotaped portrayals of rejection by a boyfriend and of failure to be accepted into graduate school. The dependent variables were measures of anaclitic (dependent) and introjective (self-critical) state depression. Dependent subjects' anaclitic depressions were specific to rejection (specificity), but self-critical subjects reported introjective depression in response to both failure and rejection (nonspecificity). Surprisingly, dependent subjects also reported high levels of introjective depression. Application of the theoretical framework to clinical depression and to other negative affective states is suggested. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Psychologists' contributions to the genetic revolution.

Responds to the comments of H. Goldsmith et al (see record 2003-05602-013) and S. Kéri (see record 2003-05602-014) regarding the article by A. Patenaude et al (see record 2002-12457-022) that discusses the role of psychologists in genetics and genetic testing. Patenaude reviews the comments made and states that both comments enlarge the discussion of the important roles psychologists will continue to play as genetics advances the knowledge of the etiology and treatment of disorders. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)