An additional antecedent of empathic concern: Valuing the welfare of the person in need.

Two experiments examined the role of valuing the welfare of a person in need as an antecedent of empathic concern. Specifically, these experiments explored the relation of such valuing to a well-known antecedent--perspective taking. In Experiment 1, both perspective taking and valuing were manipulated, and each independently increased empathic concern, which, in turn, increased helping behavior. In Experiment 2, only valuing was manipulated. Manipulated valuing increased measured perspective taking and, in part as a result, increased empathic concern, which, in turn, increased helping. Valuing appears to be an important, largely overlooked, situational antecedent of feeling empathy for a person in need. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Social evaluation and the empathy–altruism hypothesis.

Tested the claim of R. L. Archer et al (see record 1982-05783-001) that empathy leads to increased helping only under socially evaluative circumstances. In Exp I, 22 female undergraduates were led to believe that no one (including the person in need) would ever know if they declined to help. In this situation, which was designed to be devoid of the potential for negative social evaluation for not helping, there was still a positive relationship between self-reported empathic emotion and offering help. In Exp II, empathy (low vs high) and social evaluation (low vs high) were manipulated with 32 Ss. Once again there was a positive relationship between empathy and offering help when the potential for social evaluation was low as well as high. Results of both studies suggest that the motivation to help evoked by empathy is not egoistic motivation to avoid negative social evaluation. Instead, the observed pattern was what would be expected if empathy evokes altruistic motivation to reduce the victim's need. (23 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)     

Empathy avoidance: Forestalling feeling for another in order to escape the motivational consequences.

Often people fail to respond to those in need. Why? In addition to cognitive and perceptual processes such as oversight and diffusion of responsibility, a motivational process may lead people, at times, to actively avoid feeling empathy for those in need, lest they be motivated to help them. It is predicted that empathy avoidance will occur when, before exposure to a person in need, people are aware that (1) they will be asked to help this person and (2) helping will be costly. To test this prediction, Ss were given the choice of hearing 1 of 2 versions of an appeal by a homeless man for help: an empathy-inducing version or a nonempathy-inducing version. As predicted, those aware that they soon would be given a high-cost opportunity to help the man chose to hear the empathy-inducing version less often than did those either unaware of the upcoming opportunity or aware but led to believe that helping involved low cost. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

More evidence that empathy is a source of altruistic motivation.

84 female undergraduates were exposed to a person in distress and instructed either to observe the victim's reactions (low empathy) or to imagine the victim's feelings (high empathy). This empathy manipulation was crossed with a manipulation of ease of escape without helping (easy vs difficult) to form a 2?×?2 design. As predicted by the empathy-altruism hypothesis, Ss in the low-empathy condition helped less when escape was easy than when it was difficult. This suggests that their helping was directed toward the egoistic goal of reducing their own distress. Ss in the high-empathy condition, however, displayed a high rate of helping, even when escape was easy. This suggests that their helping was directed toward the altruistic goal of reducing the distress of the person in need. Analyses of Ss' self-reported emotional response provided additional support for the hypothesis that feeling a predominance of empathy rather than distress on witnessing someone in need can evoke altruistic motivation. (17 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Immorality from empathy-induced altruism: When compassion and justice conflict.

Results of 2 experiments supported the proposal that empathy-induced altruism can lead one to act in a way that violates the moral principle of justice. In each experiment, participants were asked to make an allocation decision that affected the welfare of other individuals. Participants who were not induced to feel empathy tended to act in accord with a principle of justice; participants who were induced to feel empathy were significantly more likely to violate this principle, allocating resources preferentially to the person for whom empathy was felt. High-empathy participants who showed partiality agreed with other participants in perceiving partiality to be less fair and less moral (Experiment 1). Overall, results suggested that empathy-induced altruism and the desire to uphold a moral principle of justice are independent prosocial motives that sometimes cooperate but sometimes conflict. Implications of this independence are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Prosocial Emotions and Helping: The Moderating Role of Group Membership.

In this article, the authors introduce and test a group-level perspective on the role of empathy and interpersonal attraction in helping. In line with our predictions, Study 1, a longitudinal field study of 166 AIDS volunteers, confirmed that empathy was a stronger predictor of helping when the recipient of assistance was an in-group member than when that person was an out-group member. Also as hypothesized, attraction was a stronger predictor of helping when the recipient was an out-group member than when that person was an in-group member. Study 2 replicated and further extended these results in a laboratory experiment on spontaneous helping of a person with hepatitis. Strengthening the validity of the findings, in both studies the effects of empathy and attraction held up even when the authors statistically controlled for potential alternative predictors of helping. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings for helping in intergroup contexts are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Is empathic emotion a source of altruistic motivation?

Tested the hypothesis that empathy leads to altruistic rather than egoistic motivation to help. 44 female college students watched another female undergraduate receive electric shocks and were then given a chance to help her by taking the remaining shocks themselves. In each of 2 experiments, Ss' empathic emotion (low vs high) and their ease of escape from continuing to watch the victim suffer if they did not help (easy vs difficult) were manipulated in a 2?×?2 design. It was reasoned that if empathy led to altruistic motivation, Ss feeling a high degree of empathy for the victim should be as ready to help when escape without helping was easy as when it was difficult. But if empathy led to egoistic motivation, Ss feeling empathy should be more ready to help when escape was difficult than when it was easy. Results followed the former pattern when empathy was high and the latter pattern when empathy was low, supporting the hypothesis that empathy leads to altruistic rather than egoistic motivation to help. (19 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Reactance and the unwillingness to help others.

Notes that a demand, explicit or implicit, to help someone, and even a felt obligation to do this, is often resented because the demand or obligation is a bothersome threat to the individual's freedom of action. Evidence is cited in accord with J. Brehm's (see PA, Vol. 41:8061) reactance theory indicating that increased pressure to aid a person in need at times reduces the individual's willingness to help the person who is dependent upon him. Experiments demonstrate that this "reactance effect" is lessened when the individual is in a good mood and increased when he is self-concerned and when the help request seems improper or unwarranted. It is proposed that people might be induced to act helpfully, in spite of the threat to their independence, by procedures that establish helpfulness as socially desirable conduct and provide practice in behaving helpfully. (29 ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Does empathy trigger only altruistic motivation? How about selflessness or justice?

A key question in research on empathy is what interpersonal motivations might be activated by empathy. Does empathy promote only a concern with other's outcomes ("altruism"), as well as decreased concern with one's own outcomes ("selflessness"), or an increased concern with equality in outcomes ("egalitarianism")? These interpersonal motivations were assessed with a series of experimental games, and our manipulations of empathy paralleled earlier research on the empathy-altruism model. Participants received a (fictitious) note from another person outlining that he or she is coping with the anticipated loss of his or her father in conditions that emphasized taking the other's perspective or an objective perspective (high and low empathy), whereas another group of participants received no note (no empathy). Consistent with our hypotheses, results revealed that a concern with another's well-being (altruism) was greater in the two empathy conditions than in the no-empathy condition. Further, the authors observed no effect of empathy on selfishness or egalitarianism, two motivations that were substantially present independent of empathy. Thus, the findings suggest that empathy adds altruistic motivation to already existing selfish and egalitarian motivation. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Influence of self-reported distress and empathy on egoistic versus altruistic motivation to help.

Proposed that a distinction be made between 2 emotional responses to seeing another person suffer—personal distress and empathy—and that these 2 emotions lead to 2 different kinds of motivation to help: Personal distress leads to egoistic motivation; empathy, to altruistic motivation. These distinctions were tested in 3 studies, each using 10 male and 10 female undergraduates. Across the 3 studies, factor analysis of Ss' self-reported emotional response indicated that feelings of personal distress and empathy, although positively correlated, were experienced as qualitatively distinct. The pattern of helping in Studies 1 and 2 indicated that a predominance of personal distress led to egoistic motivation, whereas a predominance of empathy led to altruistic motivation. In Study 3, the cost of helping was made especially high. Results suggest an important qualification on the link between empathic emotion and altruistic motivation: Ss reporting a predominance of empathy displayed an egoistic pattern of helping. Apparently, making helping costly evoked self-concern, which overrode any altruistic impulse produced by feeling empathy. (12 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Empathy gaps for social pain: Why people underestimate the pain of social suffering.

In 5 studies, the authors examined the hypothesis that people have systematically distorted beliefs about the pain of social suffering. By integrating research on empathy gaps for physical pain (Loewenstein, 1996) with social pain theory (MacDonald & Leary, 2005), the authors generated the hypothesis that people generally underestimate the severity of social pain (ostracism, shame, etc.)—a biased judgment that is only corrected when people actively experience social pain for themselves. Using a social exclusion manipulation, Studies 1–4 found that nonexcluded participants consistently underestimated the severity of social pain compared with excluded participants, who had a heightened appreciation for social pain. This empathy gap for social pain occurred when participants evaluated both the pain of others (interpersonal empathy gap) as well as the pain participants themselves experienced in the past (intrapersonal empathy gap). The authors argue that beliefs about social pain are important because they govern how people react to socially distressing events. In Study 5, middle school teachers were asked to evaluate policies regarding emotional bullying at school. This revealed that actively experiencing social pain heightened the estimated pain of emotional bullying, which in turn led teachers to recommend both more comprehensive treatment for bullied students and greater punishment for students who bully. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Empathy-based helping: Is it selflessly or selfishly motivated?

A substantial body of evidence collected by Batson and his associates has advanced the idea that pure (i.e., selfless) altruism occurs under conditions of empathy for a needy other. An egoistic alternative account of this evidence was proposed and tested in our work. We hypothesized that an observer's heightened empathy for a sufferer brings with it increased personal sadness in the observer and that it is the egoistic desire to relieve the sadness, rather than the selfless desire to relieve the sufferer, that motivates helping. Two experiments contrasted predictions from the selfless and egoistic alternatives in the paradigm typically used by Batson and his associates. In the first, an empathic orientation to a victim increased personal sadness, as expected. Furthermore, when sadness and empathic emotion were separated experimentally, helping was predicted by the levels of sadness subjects were experiencing but not by their empathy scores. In the second experiment, enhanced sadness was again associated with empathy for a victim. However, subjects who were led to perceive that their moods could not be altered through helping (because of the temporary action of a "mood-fixing" placebo drug) were not helpful, despite high levels of empathic emotion. The results were interpreted as providing support for an egoistically based interpretation of helping under conditions of high empathy. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

The role of dispositional empathy and social evaluation in the empathic mediation of helping.

J. S. Coke et al (see record 1980-00984-001) proposed a 2-stage model of empathy-mediated helping, based on emotional arousal and perspective taking. The present study hypothesized that a dispositional factor—individual differences in empathy—and a situational factor—potential evaluation from others (demand)—should be included in the process. 123 female undergraduates received false GSR feedback, indicating that they had either high or low arousal during a broadcast of a person's need for help. In addition, Ss were led to believe that the experimenter either did or did not know their level of arousal (demand vs no demand). Ss' premeasured dispositional empathy (A. Mehrabian and N. Epstein's 1972 empathy scale) constituted the 3rd (continuous) variable. The effect of greater help following high- rather than low-arousal feedback found by Coke et al was replicated. However, this was true only for Ss higher in dispositional empathy in the demand condition. (28 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

The relations between temperament and empathy in 2-year-olds.

The role of infant and toddler temperament in the prediction of empathy in 2-year-old children was examined. Assessments of temperament included reactivity and affect observed at 4 months of age, as well as inhibition at Age 2. Empathy was measured in 2-year-old children's responses to simulations of distress performed by their mothers and by an unfamiliar person. Children showed relatively more concern for the mother's distress, but they were also responsive to unfamiliar victims. Infants who were unreactive and showed little affect also showed less empathy toward the unfamiliar adult almost 2 years later. Inhibition toward an unfamiliar adult (but not toward the mother) at 2 years of age was negatively related to empathy. Inhibited temperament may thus have a major impact on young children's empathy in unfamiliar contexts. Findings also highlight the need to consider early underarousal as another dimension of temperament that may dampen expressions of empathic concern. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Inclusive cultural empathy for successful global leadership.

Empathy is reported in the research literature as a necessary factor in counseling and psychotherapy, but psychologists have historically interpreted empathy through an exclusively individual focus. Most of the research on empathy has been predicated on a definition of empathy as occurring when one person vicariously experiences the feelings, perceptions, and thoughts of another. In Western cultures, the study of empathy focuses exclusively on the individual, whereas in traditional non-Western cultures, empathy more typically involves an inclusive perspective focusing on the individual and significant others in the societal context. This article explores the reframing of “empathy,” based on an individualistic perspective, into “inclusive cultural empathy,” based on a more relationship-centered perspective, as an alternative interpretation of the empathic process. Psychologists are both the problem and the solution to this dilemma, and the authors call upon the field to take leadership in applying this “inclusive cultural empathy” model. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Social identity contingencies: How diversity cues signal threat or safety for African Americans in mainstream institutions.

This research demonstrates that people at risk of devaluation based on group membership are attuned to cues that signal social identity contingencies--judgments, stereotypes, opportunities, restrictions, and treatments that are tied to one's social identity in a given setting. In 3 experiments, African American professionals were attuned to minority representation and diversity philosophy cues when they were presented as a part of workplace settings. Low minority representation cues coupled with colorblindness (as opposed to valuing diversity) led African American professionals to perceive threatening identity contingencies and to distrust the setting (Experiment 1). The authors then verified that the mechanism mediating the effect of setting cues on trust was identity contingent evaluations (Experiments 2 & 3). The power of social identity contingencies as they relate to underrepresented groups in mainstream institutions is discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Five studies testing two new egoistic alternatives to the empathy-altruism hypothesis.

The empathy-altruism hypothesis claims that prosocial motivation associated with feeling empathy for a person in need is directed toward the ultimate goal of benefiting that person, not toward some subtle form of self-benefit. We explored two new egoistic alternatives to this hypothesis. The empathy-specific reward hypothesis proposes that the prosocial motivation associated with empathy is directed toward the goal of obtaining social or self-rewards (i.e., praise, honor, and pride). The empathy-specific punishment hypothesis proposes that this motivation is directed toward the goal of avoiding social or self-punishment (i.e., censure, guilt, and shame). Study 1 provided an initial test of the empathy-specific reward hypothesis. Studies 2 through 4 used three procedures to test the empathy-specific punishment hypothesis. In Study 5, a Stroop procedure was used to assess the role of reward-relevant, punishment-relevant, and victim-relevant cognitions in mediating the empathy-helping relationship. Results of these five studies did not support either the empathy-specific reward or the empathy-specific punishment hypothesis. Instead, results of each supported the empathy-altruism hypothesis. Evidence that empathic emotion evokes altruistic motivation continues to mount. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Applying the value of equality unequally: Effects of value instantiations that vary in typicality.

Across 4 experiments, the authors investigated the role of value instantiation in bridging the gap between abstract social values and behavior in specific situations. They predicted and found that participants engaged in more egalitarian behavior (point allocation using the minimal group paradigm) after contemplating a typical instantiation of the value of equality compared to an atypical instantiation or a control condition that simply made the value salient. This effect occurred when participants generated reasons for valuing equality in the instantiation (Experiment 1) and when participants merely read about hypothetical examples of the instantiation context (Experiments 2, 3, and 4). Results across experiments indicated that the effect of prior instantiations was not mediated by changes in the abstract value; instead, the process of applying the abstract value was crucial (Experiment 4). Together, the experiments show that the process of applying an abstract value to a specific situation can be influenced by seemingly unrelated prior episodes. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

"Empathy: A neglected topic in psychological research": Reply.

Replies to K. B. Clark's (see record 1980-09677-001) article on empathy by distinguishing empathy as a state or condition from the behaviors which stem from that state. Given the prerequisites of understanding and being able to identify emotional behavior, a person with empathy then shifts his or her point of view to comprehend the feeling state of another person. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

When you're hot, you're hotp Warm-cold effects in first impressions of persons and teaching effectiveness.

We examined the effects of Kelley's "warm/cold" manipulation on first impressions of persons and teaching ability. A stimulus person, posing as a visiting professor, gave a "neutral" lecture to 240 university students. Before the stimulus person appeared, half of the subjects received information that he was a rather warm person, whereas the other half was told that he was a rather cold person. In turn, half of each of these groups was informed that he was a professor of physical education and the other half that he was a professor of social psychology. A 2 (warm/cold condition)?×?2 (discipline of the stimulus-person )?×?2 (subjects' sex) multivariate analysis of variance revealed that (a) subjects who were led to believe that the stimulus person was warm perceived him as a more effective teacher and as less unpleasant, more sociable, less irritable, less ruthless, more humorous, less formal, and more humane than did subjects who were told that he was a cold person; and (b) neither the disciplinary status of the stimulus person nor the sex of the subjects had an effect on subjects' perception of the lecturer. Results were discussed in regard to halo, context, and status effects. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)