THE ROLES OF NEIGHBORHOOD ORGANIZATIONS IN URBAN SERVICE DELIVERY

It is important that students of urban life develop an understanding of the dynamics by which community associations influence the quality and quantity of public services available in their neighborhoods. Employing collective goods theory to analyze the activities of neighborhood organizations suggests that their efforts to influence public services may usefully be conceptualized in terms of three primary roles. Community associations act as consumers' cooperatives seeking to secure public services from other organizations, as alternative producers of desired services, and as organizers of citizens' coproductive efforts whereby service levels are determined through the joint efforts of neighborhood residents and public service personnel. The three roles differ significantly in the effectiveness and efficiency with which citizens can employ them to secure services, and require different resources from the community associations. The design of governmental arrangements for service delivery are closely related to the availability and effectiveness of the three strategies and must be considered as part of any effort to enhance citizens', role in public service delivery.     

Ideology,Consciousness, and Inner‐city Redevelopment: The Case of Stephen Goldsmith's Indianapolis

Abstract This article examines the impact of a mayor's ideology in shaping the political consciousness of prominent actors associated with community development and revitalizing distressed neighborhoods. Deviating from the pragmatic approaches to governing of many other recent mayors, Mayor Stephen Goldsmith of Indianapolis advocated a populist ideology based on limited government and citizen empowerment. Close inspection of Goldsmith's community development policies, however, reveals a surprisingly extensive deployment of public power and resources along with efforts to empower neighborhood organizations. Goldsmith's mixture of populist rhetoric and progressive behavior produced a contradictory consciousness among community leaders. Although virtually all applauded the mayor's emphasis on popular empowerment, some developed a populist distrust of government while others came to insist on aggressive government intervention as the key to neighborhood revitalization. Such conflicted perceptions about the role of government have simultaneously inhibited revitalization efforts while laying a cultural foundation for future activism within Indianapolis's neighborhoods.     

NEIGHBORHOOD NETWORKS,SOCIAL CAPITAL,AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION: THE RELATIONSHIPS REVISITED

This article explores the relationship between informal networks of interaction and trust among neighbors and political engagement by neighborhood residents. The United States lacks mass‐based political organizations that directly represent the interests of poor and working class citizens. Therefore, geographically based neighborhood associations are one of the few mechanisms available to represent these interests. The segregation of urban neighborhoods by class and race presents many disadvantages for lower income residents, but geographical concentration can have the advantage of facilitating organized political action. Because neighborhood organizations are such an important mechanism by which disadvantaged urban populations assert their needs and perspectives, it is critical to understand which characteristics of residents encourage the formation of such organizations and enable them to be effective in influencing public policies. What kinds of networks and relationships exist among residents of lower income neighborhoods that might encourage them to organize for political action?     

NEIGHBORHOOD ORGANIZATIONS AND THE COPRODUCTION OF PUBLIC SERVICES

Neighborhood organizations have been active partners with cities in service provision for many years, providing an institutional structure for coordinated action to improve their neighborhood environments through coordinated resident action. Cities' needs to relieve fiscal distress are now generating even more interest in direct service delivery by community-based organizations (CBOs). Before these efforts can be substantially expanded, however, much more needs to be learned about the kinds of services amenable to CBO delivery, the kinds of CBOs willing and able to participate, and the most effective administrative arrangements for delivering the service. This paper draws on information obtained from applications for a Federal demonstration program to address these and other empirical questions regarding city and CBO arrangements for service coproduction. The analysis indicates that cities are most likely to rely on advocacy-type organizations to deliver peripheral or supplementary services which are amenable to volunteer labor rather than those which are viewed as essential public services. Cities have yet to demonstrate, on a large scale, a willingness to enter into partnerships which would give CBOs significant responsibilities for core services. For this to occur it will be necessary to support prototype demonstrations of the feasibility of the approach and to expand significantly the capacity of CBOs through technical assistance.     

States,Cultures, and Community Organizing: Two Tales of Two Neighborhoods

How do differences between the United States and Canadian political systems affect community organizing? We compare case studies of two neighborhoods: the Drouillard Road neighborhood in Windsor, Ontario, Canada; and the Birmingham neighborhood in Toledo, Ohio, United States. Toledo and Windsor are similar in important ways, with both heavily dependent on Detroit‐based automotive industry, and relatively similar in ethnic and class makeup. The neighborhoods also have similar demographic profiles with a high proportion of Eastern European immigrants and Catholics. Both neighborhoods witnessed threats to their existence in the 1970s, developed an energetic community organizing response to those threats, and then went separate directions. Drouillard Road quickly moved into social services and community development. Birmingham expanded its community organizing across the east side of Toledo, but then was torn apart by internal conflict when it shifted to community development. Our analysis shows that the contrasting paths of the two organizations can be more fully understood in light of national differences in political structure and political culture between Canada and the United States.     

NEIGHBORHOOD ATTACHMENT,SOCIAL CAPITAL BUILDING,AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION: A CASE STUDY OF LOW‐ AND MODERATE‐INCOME RESIDENTS OF WATERLOO,IOWA

ABSTRACT: This case study examines the importance of neighborhood identity and engagement in place‐based social networks within the neighborhood in fostering and stimulating neighborhood‐based participation in the urban political process. Scholars concerned with civic engagement have argued that there is a strong link between the informal ties known as “social capital” and citizen engagement in the larger community. If this linkage can be shown to exist in the neighborhood setting, then it can provide guidance to both scholars and practitioners in utilizing informal, place‐based networks to empower disadvantaged neighborhoods. Evidence presented in this essay, based on interviews with a representative sample of neighborhood residents in the small industrial city of Waterloo, Iowa, suggests that strong informal networks of social capital exist within neighborhoods, but that persons who are more strongly engaged in these networks are not necessarily more involved in the efforts of formal neighborhood associations. However, individuals who are involved in these formal associations are much more likely to be connected to the local and national political systems through voting and other forms of participation.     

GIS and Spatial Knowledge Production for Neighborhood Revitalization: Negotiating State Priorities and Neighborhood Visions

Abstract: In this article, we examine the role of geographic information systems used by neighborhood organizations in their planning and revitalization efforts in US inner cities. The use of GIS is related to marked changes in the roles and responsibilities of neighborhood organizations as part of a neoliberal policy agenda that expects them to play an increasing role in neighborhood revitalization. Drawing upon research about neighborhood organizations in Milwaukee, Minneapolis, and St. Paul, we show how the spatial knowledge and revitalization strategies produced by these organizations frequently reflect and reinforce those promoted by the state. At the same time, some neighborhood organizations construct alternative knowledge through their use of GIS and employ alternative visions of neighborhood revitalization as they navigate the tensions between community visions and state priorities.     

Does Racial Segregation Make Community‐Based Organizations More Territorial? Evidence from Newark,NJ, and Jersey City,NJ

This article contributes to research on urban nonprofit community‐based organizations (CBOs) by exploring how high racial/ethnic segregation within a city creates a context wherein CBOs become territorial. CBOs have long been recognized for their role in providing services to the urban disadvantaged. Organizations with a strong sense of territoriality typically have robust ties with their base neighborhoods, very thorough in supporting residents in those places. After interviewing 40 CBO staffers in Newark, NJ, and Jersey City, NJ, I identify three paths through which the condition of high segregation in a city leads to territorial CBOs: (1) demographically, organizations become associated with bounded, racially segregated neighborhoods; (2) politically, racially motivated political contention compels organizations to identify more closely with their base neighborhoods; and (3) financially, disadvantage concentrated along racial/ethnic lines contributes to concentrated funding efforts for the city's nonprofit sector, which in turn places greater scrutiny on where organizations situate.     

THE CHANGING ROLE OF LOCAL ADVOCACY IN NATIONAL POLITICS

Local government interest groups face their most difficult period since their founding in the '20s and '30s, as a result of federal resource reductions to cities and political changes in Washington that threaten their ability to influence national public policy decisions. This article provides a brief history of the rise and development of three major local interest groups (the U.S. Conference of Mayors, the National League of Cities and the National Association of Counties). It then reviews the changing dynamics at the national level since the mid-1970s which have led these groups to lose access to key decision makers at the national level and face major disruption in their abilities to maintain effective local advocacy in Washington. Finally, the current options facing local interest groups in their efforts to maintain viable organizations in the 1980s are discussed.     

NEIGHBORHOOD DIVERSITY,ECONOMIC HEALTH,AND THE ROLE OF THE ARTS

Policymakers pursue a range of strategies aimed at diversifying neighborhoods despite research indicating the complicated and potentially damaging results of these efforts. One increasingly common approach is to incorporate the arts into planning efforts in the hope of enhancing diversity and catalyzing positive neighborhood change. Using data from the Cultural Data Project, the authors determine where newly established New York City arts organizations locate in terms of neighborhood racial, income, and industry diversity. They then analyze how diverse contexts interact with an arts presence to impact neighborhood economic health over time. They find that neighborhoods with high levels of racial diversity and low levels of income and industry diversity benefit most from an arts presence. However, the arts are attracted predominantly to neighborhoods with moderate levels of racial diversity and high levels of income and industry diversity. This complicates the use of the arts as a tool in urban revitalization policy.     

The Future of Community Reinvestment: Challenges and Opportunities in a Changing Environment

John Baeder's image, painted from a 1973 photo, shows an inner-city neighborhood in Pennsylvania. This was the kind of neighborhood that was severely affected by discriminatory banking practices before the advent of the community reinvestment movement discussed by Peter Dreier in this Longer View.

A photorealist known for his paintings of American diners, Baeder attended Auburn University in the 1950s and worked for New York ad agencies from 1960 to 1972. Since 1980 he has lived in Nashville, Tennessee. More of his work can be seen on his Web site at http://www.johnbaeder.com, and he is represented by O. K. Harris Works of Art in New York City.

Since Congress passed the Community Reinvestment Act in 1977 to combat mortgage discrimination (redlining) by banks, the law has resulted in more than $1 trillion in private investment being channeled into urban neighborhoods. This article examines the history, current status, and future prospects of the community reinvestment movement. It explores the ingredients for its success as well as its limitations. It also explores how broad economic, political, and demographic trends—as well as changes in the finance services sector—will require the movement to adjust its strategies and coalition efforts if it is to continue to be effective.     

FROM TOXIC TOURS TO GROWING THE GRASSROOTS: TENSIONS IN CRITICAL PEDAGOGY AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT

ABSTRACT: Structural inequalities in American public education are inextricably tied to deep‐seated patterns of racial and economic segregation. Children in poor neighborhoods are less likely to have the household resources, neighborhood institutions, or school amenities necessary for a good, challenging education. In response, a growing number of organizations have launched initiatives to simultaneously revitalize neighborhoods and improve public education, emphasizing youth participation as an essential component in their efforts. We draw upon ethnographic data from two such organizations to examine their practice of place‐based critical pedagogy in community development. We focus on how they engage marginalized, “hard‐to‐reach” youth via (1) experiential learning, to counter high‐stakes testing models and cultivate a sense of ownership in the local community, and (2) empowered deliberative action, in contextualized ways. The tensions embedded in these organizations’ complex efforts have implications for other groups of marginalized youth engaged in community development, especially in their attempts to help students gain concrete outcomes in community development and achieve long‐term sustainability.     

Regimes and Regional Governance: The Case of Chicago

Regime theory has been used extensively in community governance studies. An analysis of the urban regime theory literature and the regional governance literature reveals that urban regime theory can also be useful in the study of regional governance. Both literatures indicate the critical importance of the nongovernmental sector for effective governance. Indeed, because of the usually weak regional political constituency, the private sector often takes the lead in regional governance initiatives. However, private sector efforts are only successful to the extent that coalitions can be developed with political leaders. The author conducted a study of regionalism in the Chicago metropolitan area where leaders from both sectors have recently formed organizations to address regional issues. He analyzed the two organizations and whether a regional regime can develop given the region’s political culture of local government autonomy and the history of antagonism between the central city and the suburbs.     

SUCCESSFUL FEDERAL IMPLEMENATION: THE EROSION OF NEIGHBORHOOD INFLUENCES IN MODEL CITIES*

This study of St. Louis' Model Cities program argues that the barriers to effective intergovernmental implementation that are stressed in the literature did not prevent HUD from accomplishing its goal of weakening the influence of poverty-area neighborhood organizations in the program. HUD, primarily through its willingness to withhold Model Cities funds until the neighborhood organizations' role was weakened, was able to alter such factors as local political alignments and the disposition of local implementers rather than having these remain impediments to implementation. HUD was willing to push this course of action due to the exclusion of representatives of the poor from the HUD subsystem.     

Historic Planning and Redevelopment in Minneapolis

The redevelopment process in Minneapolis involves an attempt to recreate the positive aspects of life that existed in the nineteenth-century city, an era when the city was a dynamic and positive environment. Redevelopment has focused on recovering die importance of downtown, restoring die industrial base lost to die suburbs and revitalizing neighborhood life—all characteristic aspects of the historic city. The city's public planning efforts, well documented by Altshuler and others, have involved significant cooperation among city agencies and private organizations. This paper will focus on die role of the private sector in this partnership to encourage redevelopment.

Nicollet Mall and the industrial development program are two of the major accomplishments of the recovery efforts. Where success has eluded the city, as in the Cedar-Riverside neighborhood re-vitalization project, more attention to the historic and social needs of residents might contribute to fulfillment of project goals. The Minneapolis recovery effort has demonstrated the benefits of a civic-conscious business elite, a local government willing to innovate with and for private enterprise, a desire in both public and private sectors for quality planning, and the presence of historical perspective in die planning process.     

ACTION RESEARCH ON REDLINING: METHODOLOGICAL WEAKNESSES,SOCIO-POLITICAL STRENGTHS*

A chronological review and methodological critique of action research on redlining in 15 communities is presented. Redlining studies have been conducted or sponsored by three types of researchers: 1) non-profit neighborhood organizations, 2) academic or governmental institutions, and 3) lending institutions. Their findings vary according to the methods employed, and these methods vary according to the sponsors. Despite the methodological difficulties and inadequacies of this type of research, the findings have been used by local neighborhood organizations as a strategy to achieve constructive change in neighborhood reinvestment and revitalization.     

Business Activities of Not-For-Profit Organizations: Surviving the New Federalism?

All over the country community organizations are starting new community based businesses designed to fight unemployment, generate needed income, or respond to their own growth needs. This article addresses the questions of whether these new approaches can be used to plan and implement economic development efforts, what their political and ideological content is likely to be, what impact they will have on their neighborhoods, and what roles planners can play. The analysis is based on the authors' experiences as planners and technical assistants to such efforts, and on a detailed analysis of case studies.     

Linking Decentralization and Regional Development Planning: The IRD Project in Peru

Planners in international assistance organizations and in developing countries have tried many approaches to regional development during the past two decades; the most recent is integrated regional development (IRD). The IRD project implemented in Peru during the early 1980s sought to combine regional spatial planning with decentralized administration in an experiment that was ultimately undermined by political obstacles and central government controls. The experience in Peru suggests that if regional development planning projects in developing countries with centralized governments are to be more successful, planners must pay much more attention in their design and implementation to decentralizing political control and building local administrative capacity prior to, or in conjunction with, efforts to improve technical planning capabilities.     

Crowdsourcing as a service – from pilot projects to sustainable innovation routines

While crowdsourcing may strengthen a company's innovation performance, it is only rarely embedded in organizations as an innovation practice. Our action research shows that organizations often struggle with crowdsourcing projects as they represent a different form of innovation projects and require additional capabilities and skills e.g., to frame a crowd challenge, deal with IP rights, manage the crowd, or integrate the vast input into innovation projects. To overcome these problems, organizations have to invest in project-led learning to establish easy-to-use templates and routines e.g., to handle offered incentives or the applied winner selection processes. They further need to enable business-led learning as the established innovation structures, processes, and management practices do not cope with crowdsourcing projects and present some rigidities causing high coordination efforts. Organizations that are willing to run a number of consecutive crowdsourcing projects may rapidly improve their capabilities and even come up with scalable crowdsourcing services. Our findings further suggest that crowdsourcing, digital platforms, artificial intelligence, and as-a-service approaches may also add to general project capability building.