Happiness and reminiscing: The role of time perspective, affect, and mode of thinking.

Conducted 3 experiments to determine the affect of reminiscing on reported well-being. 51 students at a professional school for translators and interpreters in Exp I and 36 undergraduates in Exp II recounted events that they had experienced as positive and pleasant or as negative and unpleasant. In Exp III, 64 undergraduates wrote down a particularly positive or negative event and then asked to explain either why or how this event occurred. Ss in all 3 experiments were then asked to rate their happiness and life satisfaction. Overall results indicate that Ss' ratings of general life satisfaction depended not only on the hedonic quality of the life experiences they happened to recall but also on the way in which they thought about them. Specifically, the hedonic quality of present life events influenced Ss' judgments of well-being in the same direction. The hedonic quality of past events, however, had a congruent impact on well-being judgments only when thinking about them elicited affect in the present but otherwise had a contrast effect on these judgments. Two factors were found to determine if thinking about the past elicits affect: whether Ss describe the events vividly and in detail or only mention them briefly, and whether Ss describe how the events occurred rather than why they occurred. (22 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Gender differences in anger/anxiety reactions to witnessing dyadic family conflict.

Investigated whether gender influences affective and cognitive reactions to witnessing dyadic family conflicts. Ss were 30 male and 30 female undergraduates. Ss' affective reactions to audiotaped family conflicts were obtained by having Ss complete affect self-ratings before and after listening to audiotapes. A consistent affective reaction was observed across tapes. This was characterized by a strong and significant pre–post increase on anger scores by the women (163%) and men (70%) that was disproportionately greater than any other affect increase. Further, when the men's increases in anger-anxiety are considered as a ratio of their overall affect increase (a Specific Affect Ratio), they are actually greater than increases in the women's anger-anxiety. (French abstract) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Personal striving differentiation and affective reactivity.

Examined the relation between affective reactivity (intensity and variability of mood) and cognitive differentiation through the personal striving (Emmons, 1986) framework in order to test the hypothesis that affective reactivity underlies differentiation. 88 Ss in 2 samples listed 15 of their personal strivings and rated them with respect to 3 measures of striving differentiation (interdependence, dissimilarity, and plans for accomplishing each). Experience-sampling and daily mood ratings were used to assess affect intensity and affect variability over a 3-week period. Emotionally reactive Ss possessed a more differentiated striving system. However, they generated fewer plans for accomplishing each striving than did less reactive Ss. Results are interpreted in terms of Larsen and Diener's (1987) arousal regulation theory of affect intensity and Linville's (1982, 1985) self-complexity/affect extremity model. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Judged happiness: Effects of mode of recall of positive and negative experiences.

Obtained ratings of happiness with life in general from 159 undergraduate Ss before or after estimates of how often they felt either delight or annoyance. Estimates were made both in terms of absolute frequency categories and in self-ratings, and half of the Ss were instructed to base their frequency ratings on detailed memories for actual events. Comparative ratings of delight were positively related to overall happiness, regardless of experimental condition, although the direction of correlation between comparative ratings of annoyance and overall happiness depended on the condition. For Ss who rated annoyance before happiness, those who reported relatively more annoyance than others gave lower ratings of general happiness when using vivid, detailed, recalled events, but not under nonvivid recall. The pattern was reversed when happiness was rated before annoyance. (French abstract) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Electromyographic activity over facial muscle regions can differentiate the valence and intensity of affective reactions.

In a pilot study, 16 undergraduates were exposed briefly to slides and tones that were mildly to moderately evocative of positive and negative affect. Facial electromyograph (EMG) activity differentiated both the valence and intensity of the affective reaction. Moreover, 8 independent judges were unable to determine from viewing videotapes of the Ss' facial displays whether a positive or negative stimulus had been presented or whether a mildly or moderately intense stimulus had been presented. In the main experiment, 28 Ss briefly viewed slides of scenes that were mildly to moderately evocative of positive and negative affect. Again, EMGH activity over the brow, eye, and cheek muscle regions differentiated the pleasantness and intensity of Ss' affective reactions to the visual stimuli even though visual inspection of the videotapes again indicated that expressions of emotion were not apparent. Results suggest that gradients of EMGH activity over the muscles of facial expression can provide objective and continuous probes of affective processes that are too subtle or fleeting to evoke expressions observable under normal conditions of social interaction. (76 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Are shame, guilt, and embarrassment distinct emotions?

182 undergraduates described personal embarrassment, shame, and guilt experiences and rated these experiences on structural and phenomenological dimensions. Contrary to popular belief, shame was no more likely than guilt to be experienced in "public" situations; all 3 emotions typically occurred in social contexts, but a significant proportion of shame and guilt events occurred when respondents were alone. Analyses of participants' phenomenological ratings clearly demonstrated that shame, guilt, and embarrassment are not merely different terms for the same affective experience. In particular, embarrassment was a relatively distant neighbor of shame and guilt, and the differences among the 3 could not be explained simply by intensity of affect or by degree of moral transgression. Finally, participants generally were their own harshest critics in each type of event, evaluating themselves more negatively than they believed others did. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Effects of talking about a stressful event on arousal: Does what we talk about make a difference?

In Study 1, 30 male and 30 female undergraduates viewed an affect-neutral stimulus and a stress-inducing stimulus. Ss then talked about either their emotional reactions to the stressful stimulus (emotion condition), the sequence of events within it (fact condition), or the sequence of events within the neutral stimulus (distraction condition). Emotion-condition Ss were more autonomically aroused during a 2nd exposure to the stressful stimulus than were fact-condition Ss. In Study 2, 48 hrs separated Ss' talking about their 1st exposure to the stressful stimulus from their 2nd exposure to it. Emotion-condition Ss had lower levels of autonomic arousal while viewing the stimulus again and reported more positive affect after watching it than did fact-condition Ss. These results are discussed in the context of cognitive appraisal, perceptual-motor, and self-disclosure views of emotion. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Social and interpersonal reactions to depression and disability.

Studied the reactions of 167 undergraduates to a 21-yr-old male actor with a physical disability who behaved in either a depressed or socially appropriate manner in an interview and appeared to be either physically disabled or nondisabled. Consistent with predictions, the actor was rated more favorably when he appeared disabled, and Ss had strong negative reactions to depressive behavior regardless of physical appearance. S attitudes toward persons with disability were affected by the interpersonal behavior of the target: Ss evidenced more open, accepting attitudes toward persons with disability after viewing appropriate behavior by the actor, and Ss in the depressed disabled condition endorsed more stereotypic, negative attitudes. Results are discussed in terms of "kindness norm" behavior and social models of depression. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Evaluative judgments of aspects of life as a function of vicarious exposure to hedonic extremes.

In 2 experiments with 156 female undergraduates, the hypothesis was corroborated that vicarious exposure to hedonic extremes—especially the hedonically negative—results in contrast regarding evaluative judgments of aspects of life that have evolved or been acquired in the course of life beyond the laboratory. In Exp I, Ss who wrote about hedonically negative events occurring at the turn of the century expressed greater satisfaction on a composite index of present life quality than Ss who wrote about hedonically positive events. In Exp II, Ss who wrote about hedonically negative events (personal tragedies) scored higher on a composite index of satisfaction with life, health, and physical appearance than Ss who wrote about hedonically positive events. The findings for the composites corroborate a comparison level model of evaluative judgment. The findings for individual items, however, suggest that aspects of life are not evaluated in terms of a single utility scale and standard—the comparison level. Other findings are discussed that appear to contradict a simple affective model of evaluation in which the positivity of evaluations is postulated to increase with the positivity of affective states. (20 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Sex differences in the recall of affective experiences

Three studies tested hypotheses for sex differences in the recall of life events: differences in (a) affect intensity at encoding, (b) affect intensity at retrieval, (c) rehearsal, (d) detail of encoding, and (e) artifacts such as motivation or verbal ability. In Study 1 (N = 419), women recalled more positive (p < .01) and more negative (p < .05) life events than men. Differences in retrieval mood were not found. Study 2 (N = 55) replicated the recall differences and showed that neither rehearsal nor artifacts were responsible. Sex differences in recalling neutral everyday events also were obtained (p < .05), suggesting that affect intensity was not responsible. In Study 3 (N = 132), affective reactions to events were unrelated to recall, but sex differences in the detail of encoding (p < .001) were related to recall (p < .05). Sex differences in autobiographical memory are reliable and may be due to differences in the detail of encoding.     

Unrealistic optimism about future life events.

In Study 1, over 200 college students estimated how much their own chance of experiencing 42 events differed from the chances of their classmates. Overall, Ss rated their own chances to be significantly above average for positive events and below average for negative events. Cognitive and motivational considerations led to predictions that degree of desirability, perceived probability, personal experience, perceived controllability, and stereotype salience would influence the amount of optimistic bias evoked by different events. All predictions were supported, although the pattern of effects differed for positive and negative events. Study 2 with 120 female undergraduates from Study 1 tested the idea that people are unrealistically optimistic because they focus on factors that improve their own chances of achieving desirable outcomes and fail to realize that others may have just as many factors in their favor. Ss listed the factors that they thought influenced their own chances of experiencing 8 future events. When such lists were read by a 2nd group of Ss, the amount of unrealistic optimism shown by this 2nd group for the same 8 events decreased significantly, although it was not eliminated. (22 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Effort: The double-edged sword in school achievement.

360 undergraduates rated their affective reactions to hypothetical test failures under conditions of high or low effort and in the presence or absence of self-serving excuses. Then, in the role of teachers, they administered punishment to hypothetical students under the same failure conditions. Inability attributions and negative affect were greatest when failure followed much effort. Conversely, failure reflected less on ability, and shame was correspondingly reduced when students studied little—the same failure condition that Ss, in the role of teachers, punished most severely. (64 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Extraversion, social cognition, and the salience of aversiveness in social encounters.

Conducted 2 studies to determine whether introverts and extraverts systematically differ in their expectations, recall, and evaluation of social encounter. In Study 1, 102 male undergraduate students (classified as either introvert or extravert based on the Extraversion scale of the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire) evaluated games on rating scales. All Ss rated the competitive game as more arousing and potentially punishing than the cooperative game, but introverts anticipated that the competitive game would be less friendly and likable than did the extraverts. In Study 2, 61 undergraduates believed they would participate in either a cooperative or a competitive game. Ss were shown slides of all other Ss (teammates and opponents), as well as bogus biographical information. Ss were then asked to recall information and evaluate each S on rating scales. Introverts recalled more information about opponents than about their own teammates and rated all Ss less positively during the competitive encounter. For extraverts, this pattern was reversed. Results are discussed in terms of individual differences in the salience of aversiveness in social encounters. (35 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Need for approval, guilt, and sexual stimulation and their relationship to sexual responsivity.

Describes an experiment in which 111 male undergraduates were given the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability scale and the Mosher Forced-Choice Guilt Scale prior to reading a series of either sexual or neutral passages. Ss rated the extent to which they were sexually aroused, anxious, bored, angry, disgusted, and entertained, and then responded to a sexual double-entendre word association test. Responses indicate that Ss were significantly more sexually aroused after reading the sexual as opposed to the neutral passages. Need approval and guilt scores were not significantly related to stated degree of arousal or any of the other dimensions. Low need-approval Ss showed greater sexual responsivity to the entendres than highs, especially subsequent to reading the sexual passages. For the guilt variable, Ss with low sex guilt demonstrated greater sexual responsivity on the entendres regardless of whether they read neutral or sexual passages. Results suggest that these personality variables affect responding rather than affect arousal. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)