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Abstract In August of 1889 the popular local magazine The Boomerang published an article entitled ‘Photography as an Art’, which took the form of an extended advertisement for the recently moved establishment of Thomas Mathewson, one of Brisbane's well-patronized photographic studios 1 . In the article the writer compares Mathewson's studio with an artistically appointed ‘salon’: ‘This is a palace of photography indeed, with its glittering entrance gallery lined with golden show frames and its luxurious waiting-room that is like the salon of a patron of the fine arts’ 2 (Figure 1). 相似文献
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Marcia Brennan 《History of Photography》2013,37(2):156-161
Abstract In February of 1921 the photographer and entrepreneur Alfred Stieglitz mounted the fIrst public exhibition of his work since the closing of his pioneering art gallery, ‘291’, nearly four years earlier.1 This show was instrumental in helping Stieglitz ultimately to reassert his prominence in the New York art world and re-establish his status as an important American artist. Curiously, however, the manner in which Stieglitz and his associates chose to promote the photographer was somewhat unusual. They repeatedly described the camera as an extension of Stieglitz's own body, and his photographs as an extension of his spirit. As a result, they claimed that Stieglitz had achieved a profound physical and spiritual union both with his machinery and with the subjects he photographed. 相似文献
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Gražyna Plutecka Garztecka 《History of Photography》2013,37(4):283-290
Abstract Dutkiewicz, a fascinating and in some ways tragic character, has had no luck with biographers. Apart from one article in a photographic monthly 1 , and a brief entry in the Polish Biographical Dictionary, no published information concerning him has been traced. However, much that is of interest can be gleaned from surviving correspondence between the eminent Polish photographers Karol Beyer, Joseph Kordysz and Michal Greim 2 . 相似文献
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Paul Cava 《History of Photography》2013,37(4)
Abstract Gustave Le Gray is most widely known for his collodion seascape views which were first exhibited in 1856 at the Photographic Society of London. These views, in their strict horizontal compositions and dramatic skies, anticipate the seascape paintings of Courbet1, An equally strong parallel exists between Le Gray's landscape photographs and early paintings of the Impressionists. Le Gray's landscape views of the forest of Fontainebleau shown in the 1859 Photographic Salon were described by Burty, a French art critic: ‘he air plays through the leaves, and the sun streaks the dark grass like the hide of a panthe’ 2 , The monumental trees, skies and rushing forests, halted by occasional lines of light, distinguish his landscape images ofthis period. He genuinely loved nature but never idealized it. 相似文献
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Shoji Eguchi Masatomi Ohno Satoshi Kojima Naoya Koide Arihiro Yashiro Yuri Shirakawa 《Fullerenes, Nanotubes and Carbon Nanostructures》2013,21(3):303-327
Abstract Fullerene functionalization with heterocycles is reviewed, focusing attention on cycloaddition methodology and oxidative heterocyclization. 1 相似文献
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Paolo Barbaro 《History of Photography》2013,37(3):209-213
Abstract When Nino Migliori (born in Bologna 1926, where he still lives and works) began his career in photography, ideas about visual art in Italy were divided into two main camps. From the end of the Second World War up to 1948, when Migliori's first photographs were produced, a bitter debate continued between those who championed the mirroring function of art and those who were more interested in the exploration of expression, which was made possible by the avant-garde movements. This ideological battle, which pitted groups of artists such as II Fronte Nuovo delle Arti against the II Milione group, the MAC group, and the Corrente group among others, 1 was very complex, and involved themes ranging from ideological commitment to purely aesthetic questions. However, we can not reduce these arguments to the mere opposition between realism and abstraction, or between political commitment and fomulism. Nevertheless, the artists themselves were placed in these categories, and the divisions between them have characterized the evaluation of photographic, literary, and film production as well as painting since that time. Immediately after the war, photography in Italy was also burdened by a cultural environment that was deeply influenced by Benedetto Croce's idealism, which maintained that a sharp Jivisiun existed between ‘poetry’ and ‘non-poetry’. 2 相似文献
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Ian Carradice 《History of Photography》2013,37(2):142-154
Abstract When photography was invented, St Andrews was already a very old town, littered with the remains of a glorious and turbulent his tory: notably the skeletons of a once magnificent cathedral and a large Augustinian priory and a ruined castle, horne of the former bishops and archbishops. Zealous reformers had helped reduce these great symbols of medieval Scotland's archiepiscopal see, which were now picturesque ruins, ideal for recording in the new medium of photography. However, St Andrews in the nineteenth century was more than just ‘that Reformation bombsite’.1 It had a small, sleepy university, with old college buildings nestling among the town's commercial and private properties. But also it had something else alive and stirring in the western end of the town — its famous 'Old' golf course. Around the time the first St Andrews photographs were being made, George Fullerton Carnegie penned the following lines in his Golfiana: Address to St Andrews: 相似文献
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H.K. Henisch 《History of Photography》2013,37(3):205-206
Abstract The University Art Museum of the University of New Mexico has in its possession an albumen print, 34 × 24 em, untitled and unsigned (Figure 1). On the evidence of its process, style, format and subject matter it has been attributed to James Robertson1, the photographer best known for his studies of Constantinople in the early 1850s and his work as one of the early war-photographers covering the last stages of the Crimean campaign in 1855-18562. A scrap of evidence has now come to light, confirming that the print is indeed by Robertson. 相似文献
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Susan Harris-Edwards 《History of Photography》2013,37(2):180-181
Abstract When William Norman opened his photographic studio in a tiny redbrick house on Bleury Street in Montreal in late 1856,1 the 30-year-old immigrant could not have dreamed that this small beginning would one day expand into a vast enterprise spanning four Canadian provinces and six states in the eastern USA.2 Nor could he have known that the business would continue long after his death, and that the firm's production of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century photographs would become the foundation of an archives of international repute and his pictures cherished by millions. 相似文献
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Mark B. Pohlad 《History of Photography》2013,37(2):148-149
Abstract A defining moment in the history of photography in Chicago occurred in the summer of 1946. For six weeks, from 8 July to 16 August, world-renowned photographers convened for lectures, seminars, field trips, and demonstrations to inaugurate the new department of photography and its four-year programme at László Moholy-Nagy's Institute of Design (ID).1 Paul Strand, Berenice Abbott, Beaumont Newhall, Roy Stryker, and Erwin Blumenfeld all taught at the seminar, as did Arthur Siegel, Frank Scherschel, Gordon Coster, and Moholy himself The ‘New Vision in Photography’ seminar established the tenor of all subsequent teaching at the ID. Henceforth, learning photography there would be collaborative, practical, professional, intellectual, and have strong components of film and photohistory. Since many of the most important American photographers of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s were students at the ID (among them Thomas Barrow, Linda Connor, Barbara Crane, Kenneth Josephson, Ray K. Metzker, Richard Nickel, Arthur Sinsabaugh and Charles Swedlund) it is fur to say that the seminar directly impacted on the course of photography in the postwar period. And because it produced so many college-level instructors, the ID is regarded as ‘the seminal institution for the development of college-level photography programs’.2 相似文献
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Joel Smith 《History of Photography》2013,37(4):320-331
Abstract Beginning in 1927, at the age of 63, Alfred Stieglitz began photographing the views of Manhattan outside the windows at the Intimate Gallery, his third-floor exhibition space on East 59th Street, and at the thirtieth-floor apartment at the Shelton Hotel, at 49th Street and Lexington Avenue, where he lived with Georgia O'Keeffe. In concerted bursts over the next four years, and then intermittently until ill-health forced the end of his picture-making in 1937, Stieglitz produced about 90 cityscapes, most of them depicting the changing views from .the Shelton and from his seventeenthfloor gallery An American Place, at 53rd Street and Madison Avenue, where he moved operations just after the stockmarket crash of 1929.1 These hard-edged yet lush gelatine silver prints vividly document a building boom of the late 1920s and early Depression years which transformed the refined, residential ‘uptown’ that Stieglitz had known all his life into a skyscraper-ridden ‘midtown’, a centre for office rentals, luxury apartment hotels and the fme art trade (figure 1). 相似文献
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Colleen Skidmore 《History of Photography》2013,37(2):122-128
Abstract Scattered among the 160 000 images made by the Notman photographic studio of Montreal between 1860 and 1880, and preserved today in the studio's picture books at the McCord Museum, are about two dozen portraits of women who worked for Notman's during that period.1 Their photographs harmonize well with those of the bourgeois women who were Notman clients, sharing poses, expressions, dress, coiffures and attributes. The women are situated in comfortable home-like environments. They pose alone, or as sisters, or as mothers and daughters (never as wives), with attributes of education and leisure, such as books, watercolour sketchbooks or, notably, photographs and albums. Their clothing is always elegant and occasionally sumptuous. 相似文献
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R. Rajagopalan 《国际生产研究杂志》2013,51(11):2265-2276
In this technical note, we suggest an alternative to the cellular layout for the emergency room problem discussed in Malakooti et al. (Malakooti, B., Malakooti, N.R. and Yang, Z., Integrated group technology, cell formation, process planning, and production planning with application to the emergency room. Int. J. Prod. Res., 2004, 42(9), 1769–1786). The alternative layout—hybrid flowshop layout—belongs to a class of hybrid cellular layouts that can be designed using the integrated suite of algorithms available in the production flow analysis and simplification toolkit (PFAST) software (Irani, S.A., Zhang, H., Zhou, J., Huang, H., Tennati, K.U. and Subramanian, S., Production flow analysis and simplification toolkit (PFAST). Int. J. Prod. Res., 2000, 38(8), 1855–1874). These layouts are intermediate between the traditional layout extremes—process layout and cellular layout—for a high-variety low-volume (HVLV) manufacturing facility. Our results indicate that the hybrid flowshop layout is superior to the cellular layout since it eliminates/reduces the duplication of procedures1, backtrack flows between non-adjacent procedures and by-pass flows between procedures. 相似文献
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Michele M. Penhall 《History of Photography》2013,37(2):106-112
Abstract Distanced by over fifty years, Latorre and Thornton offer opposing perceptions of Martin Chambi as an artist.3 Roberto Latorre, writer for and editor of the intellectual journal Kosko, was an integral part of the cultural milieu of 1 920s Cusco, Peru, where Chambi lived and worked. His statement was part of a review of Chambi's exhibitions from around 1925. Gene Thornton, photography critic at the New York Times during the 1970s, judged Chambi from pictures exhibited at the Museum of Modern Art in 1979. Both critics reflect the aesthetic sensibilities of their time and the context in which they were writing: what are we to make of such disparate interpretations of the same photographer, including the shift from Latorre's emphasis on Chambi's landscapes to Thornton's interest in his portraits? At issue is the difference between Chambi's sense of himself as an artist during his own life, and how that sense was reshaped when Chambi was rediscovered after his death in 1973. 相似文献
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Robert Jay 《History of Photography》2013,37(4):328-337
Abstract Compared with other photographers of his generation, the career of Charles Marville was remarkably long. His first calotypes date from no later than 1851, and some may have been produced earlier than that. Although biographical details about his life are sketchy at best, it is likely that Marvillc continued to work in the medium of wet-plate collodion almost until his death, which is believed to have occurred in 1879.1 Henri Lc Sccq, who was two years younger than Marvillc, produced no new work after the mid-1850s. Gustave Lc Gray, Charles Ncgre and Edouard Baldus, all of whom were four years his junior, ceased active photography in the 1860s. Of the first generation of French photographers working in the calotype or daguerreotype processes, only Hippolyte Bayard, who was 14 years older than Marville, had a longer active career. Marville produced a large body of calotypes, many of which were published by Blanquart-Evrard, that first revealed what became a lifelong passion for architectural photography.2 However, it was only after Marville took up the wet plate in the 1850s that he settled into a full-time career as an architectural photographer. 相似文献
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Charles Mann 《History of Photography》2013,37(3):211-214
Abstract The prim little girl in the century-old cabinet photograph 1 is wearing her very best dress, and the bow fitted around her waist must have made it difficult to maintain a balance in a high wind. But she most certainly could have coped with the problem because rope-skipping was her particular talent, and she practised it as ‘the skipping girl’ on the stage of the Adelphi Theatre2. Good looks and a few lengths of hemp made 11-year-old Constance MacDonald Gilchrist a London celebrity, and a personage who needed no introduction as late as 1898. She fascinated painters. Whistler was captivated enough to make two studies of her, retaining one of them, Harmony in Yellow and Gold: The Gold Girl, Connie Gilchrist, until his death3. (It is now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City.) Lewis Carroll svho, strangely enough, shared Whistler's interest in the theatre, also had a more than casual interest in little girls, and a near-professional interest in photographing them. That this great man has been occasionally criticized for this penchant seems hardly fair, but his diaries often betray a man caught in the grip of two passions—for children, and for photography. The passages on Connie Gilchrist are as good as any for illustration. 相似文献
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Deborah Jean Warner 《History of Photography》2013,37(1):16-23
Abstract In 1972, John William Christopher Draper and James Christopher Draper wrote to the Smithsonian Institution informing us of the recent death of Dorothy Draper, in Yonkers, New York. A few weeks later, my colleague George Norton and I, together with the Draper brothers and their families, spent a long day in a large house owned by an elderly woman who had been loath to throw anything away. What we found ranged from the trivial to the terrific (from pieces of stale wedding cake and chains of annual dog-tags, to early daguerreotypes). The Drapers were very generous, and allowed us to put everything we deemed of historical interest into the Smithsonian van. When we returned to Washington and examined the collection, we found that we had a great deal of important material pertammg to the early development of photography and spectroscopy, and that some of this provided information that was not otherwise found in the historical record. 1 相似文献
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Robert E. Lassam 《History of Photography》2013,37(2):85-93
Abstract Nevil Story-Maskelyne is not a man whose name readily comes to mind as a pioneer experimenter in photography, but he should not be ignored. As a young man of 22 in 1845, he revealed to Fox Talbot his devotion to photography and became a lifelong friend. During the Patent trial, Talbot v. Laroche—1855, he took a firm line of support, opposing the general opinions of the Council of the Photographic Society, a courageous attitude for one so young. In a letter to Talbot, he said at the time: ‘No man in my belief can take from you this that you first showed, that Iodide of Silver formed in the moist way [i.e., from solutions] was capable of being made acceptable of a latent effort under the influence of light, which in subsequent treatment with substances capable of a sort of reducing (dioxidying) [sic] action, was capable of developing into a visible effect. This I believe to be yours and on it, it seems to me your point rests securely’1. He went on to comment on those who had seen fit to claim the invention as their own, and said that they were men ‘most deeply indebted to you for their living at all’. Maskelyne was gifted, kind, generous, devoted to his family, and a highly intelligent scientist. 相似文献