REGIME BUILDING,INSTITUTION BUILDING: URBAN RENEWAL POLICY IN CHICAGO, 1946–1962

ABSTRACT: Urban regime analysis emphasizes the role of coalition building in creating a capacity to govern in cities. Through a case study of urban renewal policy in postwar Chicago, this article considers the role played by political institutions. Conceptualizing this historical period as one of regime building, I show how existing political institutions were out of sync with the city's new governing agenda of urban renewal and redevelopment following World War II. Creating a capacity to govern in urban renewal policy required both coalition building and a fundamental reworking of formal governing institutions.     

The Intergovernmental Regime and Public Policy in Hartford,Connecticut

Regime theorists have not included state government as a member of urban governing coalitions even though governors and state legislatures have the constitutional authority and fiscal resources that can facilitate local governance. In this research, I analyze economic development and education policies in Hartford, Connecticut to illustrate that the governor is a leader of Hartford’s regime. Like other regime actors, the governor provides selective inducements to other coalition members to gain support for his policies. The Hartford regime came to include the governor because the city lost much of its business and political leadership, and management and accountability problems crippled public policy. Because governors have the capacity to act as a powerful regime partner, it is important to study the effect they have on urban governance.     

URBAN REGIMES AND RACIAL POLITICS IN NEW ORLEANS

ABSTRACT: This paper describes and analyzes the nature of the New Orleans urban regime focusing on the first term of Sidney Barthelemy, the second black mayor of New Orleans (1986–1990). First, because the authors believe that regime theory needs to be more carefully theorized in relation to racial politics, they begin by discussing the changing relationship of blacks to the prevailing New Orleans regime. Second, in analyzing this racial politics, they focus on the relationship between the evolving structure of the electoral coalition, governing coalition development strategies, and the stability of the governing regime. They conclude that a caretaker regime is very difficult to maintain in a city with a recent majority black electorate. Such an electoral coalition has a tendency to support either a progressive or corporate regime. Finally, the authors pay particular attention to the development of the consensus-seeking para-apparatus, its relationship to racial politics, and its affect on development policy, governing coalition politics, and regime transition.     

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT DECISIONMAKING IN A FRAGMENTED POLITY: Convention Center Expansion in Kansas City

ABSTRACT: Amid recent discussions of the shaping of economic development policies by urban governing regimes, little has been said about how these policies are made in cities which lack an effective governing coalition. This paper examines the planning of a major convention center expansion in Kansas City, Missouri, a city with a crumbling governing regime. That planning process does not conform to the work of Peterson or to Stone's model of regime policymaking where economic development policymaking is accomplished with ease. It conforms instead to a hyperpluralistic model wherein social production becomes a difficult and expensive proposition, requiring the building of a coalition on each issue anew. These findings may have broad relevance because many US cities appear to operate without effective governing coalitions.     

Pseudo use value and output legitimacy of local growth coalitions in China: A case study of the Liede redevelopment project in Guangzhou

Existing research on the growth coalition of China mainly focuses on the process of urban land development and concludes that the strategic alliance of local states and market gradually emerged with the exclusion of communities in the course of development. Empirical evidence on whether or not a coalition can involve the villagers and how a coalition capacity is delivered with legitimacy is lacking. This research revisits the growth machine thesis in the redevelopment of an urban village in Guangzhou where pseudo use value is examined. Pseudo use value reflects a hybrid of the appreciation of land, which incorporates the nostalgia for the rural past and the desire for improvement. Results show that complementary expectations in the redevelopment of urban village formed an ad hoc growth coalition that incorporates the municipal government, private developers, and villagers. The generation of output legitimacy is grounded on frequent exchange of resources (i.e., land, private capital, manpower, and regulatory capacities), which also relies on empowerment and an intermediary made of the rural collective to stimulate coalition capacity. Pseudo use value makes indigenous villagers a part of the growth machine. Although the formation of local growth coalition acknowledges the role of private developers and villagers, a counterpart emerged in which the development became a political rhetoric for achieving recentralized land governance.     

Regime Theory,State Government,and a Takeover of Urban Education

Abstract State government possesses the resources and authority to directly shape urban education policy but regime theorists understate the roles governors, state legislatures, and other state actors play as members of urban education regimes. This article examines the state takeover of schools in Newark, New Jersey to demonstrate why and how a state government leads an urban education regime. The Newark case illustrates how politics and structural conditions motivated state government to change the nature of the education regime and directly shape education policy at the local level. It highlights the role state government played in reshaping an educator‐centered coalition that operated a poorly performing school district. Despite the existence of a new regime, Newark students’ achievement scores have not significantly improved, and in some instances they have declined under the state‐led regime. This article encourages scholars of city politics to continue to investigate state government's role in urban governing coalitions because state political players maintain the capacity and motivation to join urban regimes.     

THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF A LAND-BASED ELITE: The Case of the Failed Chicago 1992 World's Fair

ABSTRACT: Growth machine theorists argue that metropolitan development patterns represent the concerted activities of powerful growth coalitions who manipulate public agendas and guide local development, devoid of public accountability. This article investigates the organization and activities of the Chicago growth coalition which promoted a large development project—the 1992 World's Fair. Using interlocking directorates, it examines the corporate and institutional networks among coalition members and shows the constellation of interests that established this development agenda. As indicated by the extent of connections, this coalition is shown to be a corporate, civic, and social community. Although holding the potential for power as represented by the highly linked interests believed to hold sway in development issues, this coalition is unsuccessful in bringing this project to fruition. Changing political structures and dynamics diminished the power of the resources held by Chicago's growth coalition to bring in this project and altered the business-as-usual framework for growth coalition governance. A more open development politics combined with incompetent elite leadership and faulty project design contributed to this failure. This case study suggests that interlocking directorates and static studies of power are insufficient for understanding development outcomes and pro-growth strategy, success and failure. Studies of the resources held by those at the top must account for the politics that maintain local quiescence, support participation, or instigate local opposition This article also shows the large role that changing local political structures and government can play in mitigating power inequities over development and growth issues in urban areas.     

Manufacturing Industrial Decline: The Politics of Economic Change in Chicago, 1955–1998

Contemporary urban political economy emphasizes the role of structural factors in explaining the deindustrialization of cities in the post‐World War II era. Urban economic restructuring, by most accounts, has left city officials with few choices other than to pursue corporate‐centered economic development strategies emphasizing downtown‐area commercial and residential growth. In Chicago, however, a corporate‐center redevelopment strategy advanced by a coalition of downtown business leaders competed with a production‐oriented strategy articulated by a coalition of neighborhood organizations, manufacturers, and labor. Centrally located industrial districts facing gentrification pressures became contested terrain, and manufacturers ultimately benefited from protective measures put in place by a sympathetic administration. This essay argues that urban economic restructuring is open‐ended and politically contested. It concludes that a fuller appreciation of the contingency of urban economic development would help uncover viable regime types featuring governing coalitions that include both community‐based organizations and neighborhood business establishments.     

Shifting land-based coalitions in Shanghai's second hub

Hongqiao is one of China's largest ever urban development projects, and within Shanghai second only to Pudong. It is designed to kick-start growth in the western part of China's economic capital, just as Pudong did in the east. The project comprises a transport hub and a new central business district and involves the participation of an array of organizations, including government at various levels, specially created bodies, property developers and banks. The central argument of this paper is that these organizations formed what can best be conceived of as a government-led land-based urban growth coalition and that this coalition became the driving force behind the Hongqiao project. It further argues that, rather than being one monolithic coalition, this was a shifting constellation of corporate actors, forming informal subcoalitions with different but interlocking roles and functions. The paper concludes by arguing that land-based urban growth coalitions rely on participants benefitting from rising land and property values once land has been developed, but for this debt financing is required, and this comes with its own substantial problems. The concept of land-based urban growth coalition can be useful in helping to interpret urban change in China so long as the coalition is examined in some detail.     

Mathematical model to optimally solve the lift planning problem in high-rise construction projects

The availability of resources such as workforce and materials at each level of a high-rise construction project just before the commencement of building tasks is a crucial issue that might have direct impacts on project progress. To avoid delays caused by lack of human resources and construction materials, a construction management team always tries to find a better way to facilitate supply chain process specifically for construction projects facing a significant number of simultaneous and repetitive tasks. The other challenge in a high-rise construction project is vertical transportation that requires special machinery e.g. cranes or lifts, and also, maximizing their utilities. In this paper, it is tried to automate vertical transportation planning process in high-rise construction projects by introducing a platform that handles the entire lifting process. This platform considers (i) tasks attributes (e.g. required resources, location and commencement time) from the project schedule, (ii) lifting system specifications (e.g. travel speed, weight, and volume capacity) and (iii) project geometrics (e.g. current height of the project). In details, the introduced platform provides an optimized daily delivery plan by developing a Mixed-Integer Programming (MIP) model that covers workforce and construction materials. In this paper, the proposed platform is also tested using field data obtained from a 34-story construction project in Mashhad, Iran. The model could find a solution with 0% optimality gap in approximately 1 h, which is an acceptable amount of computational cost for the problem. The results show how the introduced platform can assist the construction management team to efficiently handle the supply process within stories while avoiding delays caused by a lack of resources required for each task.     

Austerity and reform to affordable housing policy

The recession has created significant challenges for the government with regard to providing affordable housing. Even during the UK’s housing boom the supply of housing failed to keep pace with demand. Therefore, increasing housing supply and improving affordability in a recessionary period will require the government to innovatively utilise their limited resources. Following the Comprehensive Spending Review in 2010 severe cuts to the housing budget were made and radical reforms to housing and planning policy have been proposed by the coalition government. The paper briefly discusses the UK housing market and affordable housing policy and practice recently employed in England. Subsequently a discussion of the coalition government’s recent reforms to housing and planning policy, concerning affordable housing, is presented.     

FOLLOWING THE SIGNS: APPLYING URBAN REGIME ANALYSIS TO A UK CASE STUDY

ABSTRACT: As the debate continues regarding the applicability of urban regime analysis in a UK context, three aspects stand out as highly significant: the target for analysis, the mode of scrutiny, and the context of local governing arrangements with its implications for interdependence as an impetus for co‐operation. This article will examine urban regime analysis and the move from government to governance in order to answer why and how the private, voluntary and public sectors might be inclined to collaborate in regimes. In addition, the regime analysis will provide the parameters for examination whilst the issue of governance will afford context for local governing arrangements. Although some issues require slight reframing to reflect the UK context, the article will follow a rigorous framework for examination utilizing the full weight of regime analysis as articulated by Stone such that it could not be accused of “concept stretching.” Far from it: Through the examination of an informal partnership, a coalition of actors from the public, private, and voluntary sectors that has been in existence for more than 13 years, the article focuses, specifically, on the long‐term, less visible aspects of local governance. As such, it is able to demonstrate how economic and political change can have a tangible effect on the manifestation of interdependence as an impetus for co‐operation, not only for this specific locale but also for other cities facing similar challenges.     

都市企业主义视角下工业遗产绿色更新路径及其影响——废弃铁路蜕变高线公园

工业遗产研究自20世纪60年代以来在国际上得到广泛关注,已逐渐超越单一"建筑学"视角,向交叉学科方向发展.为推动这一进程,从城市文化景观与治理的角度探讨存量发展背景下工业遗产实现景观更新和功能转化的路径及其影响.以高线公园为例,通过都市企业主义理论深入剖析其绿色更新路径中增长联盟的协调机制及城市影响.研究发现:高线公园...     

THE NEW PRIVATISM,FEDERALISM, AND THE FUTURE OF URBAN GOVERNANCE: NATIONAL URBAN POLICY IN THE 1980s

Two policies of the Reagan administration threaten the traditional role of cities both as basic elements in the nation's governing structure and as socio-economic communities. The long-standing belief that an important criterion for judging both public and private action is its contribution to the welfare of the city has been abandoned. Under what may be called the New Privatism the existence or creation of any community is now primarily justified by its capacity to serve the locational needs of private firms in a technology-driven national market. To continue Federal development aid to economically declining cities would contribute to inefficiency in the national spatial economy and cannot be justified. The Reagan version of the New Federalism calls for devolving greater power to the state and local levels. For cities, the opposite effect is more likely. The ending or reduction of most federal programs relating to cities and their residents has put many cities in a double bind. They must choose between using scarce local resources to compete with other communities to lure or hold job-generating firms and attempting to meet the needs of large numbers of their citizens who formerly received federal social and welfare aid. Further, much of the national money which is still available for economic development and social needs is now administered by state governments under block grants. States have seldom been responsive to such needs in urban areas. If our assessment of the negative effects of these policies on the viability of cities as governing units is correct, then the question that must be addressed is: what is to replace local government as the primary means for citizens to act collectively below the state level?     

CIVIC CAPACITY AND SCHOOL/COMMUNITY PARTNERSHIPS IN A FRAGMENTED SUBURBAN SETTING: THE CASE OF 24:1

ABSTRACT: This paper uses the “civic capacity” framework to analyze an emerging school–community reform initiative, called 24:1, focused on an inner‐ring suburban school district. Contrary to the existing literature on civic capacity, we argue that institutions strongly influence civic capacity building. A fragmented public sector and weak institutions of civil society, especially when combined with racial divisions and poverty, restrict the ability of local actors to collaborate among themselves and partner with outside institutions. Despite these daunting challenges, 24:1, led by a local nonprofit with a long history in the area and a school district with dynamic new leadership, has mobilized a diverse coalition of stakeholders and built consensus around a comprehensive plan for revitalization. But stronger indigenous institutions, as well as greater support from the business community, will be needed to sustain the initiative.     

城中村改造中的“增长联盟”研究——以珠海市山场村为例

分析了我国城中村改造中参与主体的联盟、组织和作用机制等问题,指出当前我国城中村改造与城市更新的地方政治结构不同,解释城市更新的“增长联盟”框架不能直接套用到城中村改造中去:一方面,城中村改造突破了“增长联盟”的主体关系,投资方与原有村民结成了紧密的联盟关系,打破了原有政府权力和开发资本的联盟;另一方面,增长与反增长的边界变得模糊,在经济利益的影响下,不同参与主体倾向于选择性增长(介于增长与反增长之间)。以珠海市山场村改造为例,实证了上述研究发现,进一步完善和发展了原有的“增长联盟”理论。     

中国城市化进程中的增长联盟和反增长联盟——以江阴经济开发区靖江园区为例

在增长联盟的理论视角下,以江阴经济开发区靖江园区为例,从参与者互动和联盟形成过程两个理论角度审视了中国城市化进程中的增长联盟与反增长联盟。在理论上丰富了我国城市中地方政府—企业增长联盟的研究。研究也发现,在城市化进程中出现的农民自发抵制增长的活动已经逐渐形成反增长联盟。其原因主要包括土地征用、不合理的拆迁政策和农民缺乏就业渠道。本研究的发现可为健康城市化和促进农村人口的转移提供启迪。     

Empowering New Regional Political Institutions: A Norwegian Case

The main purpose of the new regional policy in Norway is to create dynamic regions through a regional empowerment process that is supposed to give a better balance between a top-down governing with an emphasis on the redistribution of activities and resources, and local mobilization with an emphasis on self-reliance, innovation and learning by doing. To achieve this empowerment is in fact to seek a balance between vertical and horizontal power structures, and between instrumental and communicative rationalities. However, the main problem in modern society is that the instrumental rationality has become dominant. The challenge is to make communicative rationality superior to instrumental rationality. The aim of this article is to illustrate how Habermas's normative model of discursive will formation and political institution building may be used to develop a framework with which to evaluate regional planning and development work in the Aalesund area in Norway. This evaluation shows that the institution building process in the area is incomplete compared to this normative model. This discrepancy can explain the weak legitimacy of the region as a political actor.     

Towards a framework of public space governance

Public spaces are the loci of complex interactions among multiple stakeholders whose decisions and activities affect places' qualities. The paper builds upon governance theory to provide a holistic in-depth approach in understanding the complexity and quality of the place-shaping processes in public spaces. In the absence of adequate conception of governance in urban design and public spaces, the paper introduces a framework for analysing governance capacity of public spaces and applies the framework to a flagship but highly contested public space in Brisbane, Australia namely South Bank Parklands. The proposed framework encompasses four major components of 1) actors and stakeholders, 2) governance structure, 3) governing tools, and 4) governing tasks. The framework puts special emphasis on the contextual factors, the way public spaces are shaped and governed, and political economy of the space. The case study application showcases the applicability of the PSGF which helps holistically analyse the trends in public space governance structure accounting for the diversity and complexity of all elements involved. The findings reveal that South Bank Parklands governance is mix-structured, hierarchical, and highly political. It is, however, a likeable public space for which civic engagement in the decision-making processes is notably limited.     

自然保护地整合优化方案思考

自然保护地整合优化是构建以国家公园为主体的自然保护地体系的重要组成部分,是推动建立分类科学、布局合理、保护有力、管理有效的自然保护地体系的关键路径。为解决自然保护地交叉重叠、多头管理、生态系统破碎、区划不合理等问题,从技术和操作层面,提出了以自然资源和保护现状研究为基础,以资源价值评估为依据,通过整合、归并、优化、转化、补缺5项任务探索自然保护地整合优化方案,为中国自然保护地整合优化提供路径和方法。