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1.
ABSTRACT: Vancouver exemplifies the richness of the many processes that set the civic culture of large contemporary cities. This paper focuses on what drives the social and economic construction of Vancouver, pointing to the complex linkages that tie agents to their environment. It shows that, in Vancouver, power arises from strong popular control and local democratic and participatory values, where group interactions produce and co‐produce community development. The Vancouver regime is open yet stable, socially progressive yet fiscally conservative and pro‐development. It is a regime that upholds an activist, tolerant and entrepreneurial civic culture. It emerges from an on‐going process where the openness of the regime is re‐negotiated in each neighbourhood and around each policy arena leading to the emergence of a culture of ongoing participation where civic, neighbourhood, ethnic and business groups constantly re‐invent the city.  相似文献   

2.
ABSTRACT: The importance of a community's culture—a combination of its political, governmental, economical, and social conditions—is believed important for understanding the power, value, and decision making systems of communities. In this research, using the city of Charlotte and Mecklenburg County as a case example, the goal is to determine not whether a civic culture exists, but what type of civic culture is present. By speaking to political and civic leaders, examining local strategic documents charting courses for the city, and examining data from the national Social Capital Benchmark Survey, a collective identity of the shared perspective of Charlotte's direction is determined. Based on results from this analysis, Charlotte's civic culture projects as an “active market culture” that is manifest through a civic culture that embraces tradition, supports the private sector, favors orderly, participatory processes, and emphasizes rational decision‐making.  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT: In this article, I analyze civic culture in Miami and demonstrate the ways in which this civic culture shapes policy making in two different areas: economic development and public safety. I argue that racial, ethnic, and economic divisions shape conflict in both policy areas, although the divisions play out in different ways in each. At the same time, an elite‐dominated power system and a reactive and fragmented decision‐making system mean that policy outcomes generally reflect the preferences of economic interests in the city, even as demographic shifts have altered the composition of the local elite and the economic health of the city has improved significantly.  相似文献   

4.
ABSTRACT: Redfern‐Waterloo, on the edge of Sydney's CBD, has long been an important center for the city's Aboriginal population, as a place to live, socialize, work, and/or access services provided by the area's numerous Aboriginal organizations. State plans to regenerate Redfern‐Waterloo, to realize its latent potential, far from seeking to displace the socially disadvantaged Aboriginal community and erase its cultural legacy, stress the importance of a continuing indigenous presence. Planning and policy documents generally suggest that Aboriginal people can contribute to, and reap the benefits of, the area's renaissance. This article will explore construction of minority cultures in planning discourse in Sydney and in particular the way indigenous culture and citizenship is delineated in the discourses of urban renewal. The vision of Aboriginal culture (and residual communal presence) is narrow and circumscribed by conventional “touristic” representations (fine art, dance, and other performance) around national heritage and consumption. This excludes many of the area's youth who, like their counterparts throughout the world, identify more with street culture—hip‐hop, graffiti art, skateboarding, etc.—than with traditional arts/high culture. These activities have little place in the vision for urban renewal. This article will argue that civic booster strategies that fail to recognize the complex and ambiguous character of public spaces and their importance as sites of resistant/underground/avant‐garde/youth subcultures will inevitably generate sterile landscapes; their vision of local communal heritage is little more than tokenistic.  相似文献   

5.
To further our understanding on policymaking and policy change we need to recognize the significance of individual key actors in policy and planning processes. This article theorizes on the characteristics and policy influence of inside activism in which individual public officials act strategically from inside public administration to change government policy and action in line with a civic engagement and value commitment. Based on initial empirical findings from Swedish local government, we argue that inside activism is empirically relevant but not satisfactorily covered by other key actor concepts. We theorize that inside activism is 1) dualistic: open, deliberative, consensus-seeking and tacit, tactical, power-driven; 2) influential through informal networking inside and outside of government; and 3) dynamic as it varies over time and between critical situations. Due to current trends in society and public administration (e.g. governance), we expect inside activism to be increasingly relevant and we encourage further theoretical, empirical as well as normative research and discussion on this phenomenon.  相似文献   

6.
There is widespread agreement in mainstream participation studies that social capital and civic engagement in Western democracies are in steady and continuous decline. How did it happen, then, that Barack Obama was able to mobilize tens of millions of volunteers and supporters for his spectacularly successful and novelty-creating presidential campaign? Part of the answer is that his campaign was directed to building political capital for solving common policy concerns. This marks a creative shift in political communication from being oriented towards keeping government effective and legitimate to getting people freely and actively to accept and help in executing what has to be done in order to solve common concerns. The paper discusses why this shift has not been detected by mainstream participation studies, following their development in Almond and Verba's civic culture, through Putnam's social capital framework, to Norris's cause-oriented politics. Later, Marsh et al.'s new politics of lived experience is introduced and connected to the project politics model for studying ‘everyday makers and expert citizens’. The conclusion is that Obama's rhetoric in particular appeals to everyday makers and expert citizens, and that their reciprocal resonance opens for a fusion of identity politics and project politics in a new, much more communicative and interactive democratic model for doing what neither neoliberalism nor statism apparently can do: getting things done in prudent manner by establishing more balanced and discursive two-way relations of autonomy and dependence between political authorities and lay people.  相似文献   

7.
Civic crowdfunding combines the power of private crowdfunding with grassroots organization to directly fund local public projects. This article presents an empirical analysis of fine scale geographic data on 18,000 donations to roughly 800 campaigns from a leading civic crowdfunding platform. These features of the dataset allow us to empirically assess distributional impacts of crowdfunding and how policymakers should interpret donations. There are several findings that have implications for the role of civic crowdfunding in urban transformation. First, neighborhood characteristics of projects, including median household income, do not impact the ability to raise capital, which addresses the concern that civic crowdfunding will exacerbate inequality in neighborhood amenities. The average distance of a donor to a project is over 300 miles and the median distance is 8 miles, indicating that while projects elicit donations from outside their community local donations are very important. Donors' neighborhood income does not influence whether they contribute to projects in low-income or high-income neighborhoods. The findings serve as a guide to future research on civic crowdfunding and inform how the expansion of this new funding mechanism can integrate into local government policy.  相似文献   

8.
Problem, research strategy, and findings: In the past 3 decades, a series of presidential administrations—and the APA—have recommended that cities update their zoning codes to enable more affordable and market-rate housing development. I identify 5 main categories of policy recommendations they have suggested and then assess Los Angeles’s (CA) zoning changes in these categories between 2000 and 2016. I answer 2 questions: First, what zoning changes did Los Angeles adopt to address housing affordability? Second, how were these changes initiated, and what were their scope and geographic extent? I find that Los Angeles made modest progress in the 5 policy categories. The city left its large-lot, single-family zoning mostly untouched, but it rezoned roughly 1,200 acres citywide to allow at least 50 housing units per acre, reduced parking requirements in some areas, made it easier to build accessory dwelling units, and adopted new incentives for affordable housing. Several policy changes resulted from new state laws, and Los Angeles voters approved new incentives for affordable housing near transit. Homeowner influence likely prevented the municipality from engaging in larger zoning reforms. I do not study the effects of Los Angeles’s regulatory changes on housing production and prices, but such research is an important next step. I also do not assess new regulations that counteracted the impact of the 5 categories of policy recommendations.

Takeaway for practice: This research suggests 2 lessons: 1) Planners should encourage state governments to preempt local zoning when it reduces affordable housing options and there is limited local political will for change, and 2) planners should identify feasible and effective zoning changes that would increase affordable housing given local considerations.  相似文献   

9.
ABSTRACT: Recent studies in the U.S. context have suggested that political participation is a function of the size and concentration of a city's population. Most of this research focuses on the idea that there is an optimal size and concentration of population that favors active political participation in terms of a higher propensity to vote in local elections, contact local officials, and attend community meetings. The conventional argument suggests a negative relationship between city size and political participation that is mitigated to some extent by the deeper social interactions generated by increased population density. We extend this research by also investigating the influence of population growth on the broader concept of civic participation. Civic participation is a multidimensional concept that requires the use of a broad set of indicators. We expand the number of measures to gauge civic participation at the local level by including data on the formation of volunteer associations, volunteer fire brigades and not‐for‐profit organizations as well as voter turnout. We test the hypotheses derived from extant research using aggregate data collected from Portuguese cities and discuss the implications of our findings for the literature on local civic participation.  相似文献   

10.
The paper makes use of an un-orthodox Lefebvrian formulation of the ‘right to the city’ as it adds the gender dimension which was absent from Lefebvre's work. The lens of ‘gendered right to the city’ (Doderer, 2003; Fenster, 2005; Vacchelli, 2014) is used in order to understand the experiences of volunteers working in the women's community and voluntary sector in London. We look specifically at the role of migrant organisations both as places of co-option of migrant labour, as places that enable the integration of migrants and make their participation in the urban fabrics possible, and as places that are appropriated by migrant volunteers in London as a means of enacting active citizenship.London's governance, policy discourses and practices seek to impose a top-down idea of civic participation. In this vision, the role of migrant groups and organisations can only be valued in the context of an active civil society, able to replace the vacuum left by the progressive erosion of the welfare state, leading to a crisis of social reproduction. Lefebvre's theoretical framework of ‘space appropriation’ serves as a way to explore these questions and we propose a further spatial reading which is specific to a gendered right to the city, i.e. the shift from a/topia (not having a space or being denied access to public spaces broadly conceived) to topia. We speculate on what this newly found space looks like and what is its potential for the subversion of top-down policy discourses on civic participation in the neoliberal city.  相似文献   

11.
Open Sourcery     
Abstract

The reappropriation of abandoned technology is a long-standing practice with a deep history. This is particularly the case when deprived cultures overlap with privileged. Often associated with the underside of emergent technologies, hacker or maker culture provides us with an alternative approach to engaging technology. This article discusses the potential of implementing hacking as a way of making architecture and poetic program. The Dedale studio at the University of Manitoba investigates the civic and architectural implications of discarded technology in the Point Douglas neighborhood in Winnipeg, Manitoba.  相似文献   

12.
ABSTRACT: We examine the civic culture in Louisville focusing upon the community power structure, community value system, and public decision‐making system as described by knowledgeable persons. Interviewees were selected for their first‐hand knowledge of community decision making as participants and close observers and to represent different interests. Respondents described what resembles a corporate‐centered regime in economic development but which does not necessarily extend to education. The civic culture and attendant myths hold together a city that otherwise is greatly divided by race, class, and status apparent in the geographic segregation of the community into the East, West, and South Ends. The city's self identity and perception in some way may be at odds with its current situation and development strategies.  相似文献   

13.
Helsinki provides an interesting case for the comparison of European mixing policies, as it has a relatively short history as a city of immigration. In contrast to prevailing desegregation policies of many other European countries, mixing policies in Helsinki are more of a preventive nature. In this article, we aim to examine how these policies are constructed and what kinds of reasons and explanations are given for the official policy goals and their implementation. Interviews with Somali immigrants are used as empirical evidence to confront policy assumptions and to get more insight into the factors causing ethnic residential segregation in Helsinki. The study shows that the local policies have been largely influenced by international debates on ethnic segregation, and therefore they have lacked an adequate understanding of the causes and effects of segregation in the local context. While the policy goals of ethnic mixing have been rather precise, tools for implementation have also been lacking. The case of Somalis illustrates that processes of residential segregation are more complex and dynamic than what is pictured in policy documents.  相似文献   

14.
The regeneration of declining waterfronts has been one of the crucial tasks of urban policy since the 1970s; whereas culture has become an important theme as means for responding to the socio-economic decline that waterfronts have been facing through the re-functioning of abandoned factories and warehouses, the rehabilitation of historic neighborhoods and the utilization of events and amenities. At the same time, many academics are critical on the attempts to reform post-industrial spaces of consumption in creating privatized spaces and commodified cultures excluding social milieu. Within this context, the research attempts to discuss the contribution of culture-led approaches in the regeneration of Istanbul waterfront by using a case study of the Golden Horn Cultural Valley Project (GHCVP) as empirical evidence. The GHCVP is not only one of the most important indicators of wider governmental emphasis on culture as a way of reviving Istanbul’s waterfront; but also it provides major discussions and claims on the impact of these developments, especially those regarding the historic environment, local community and economy. The results of this research respond to questions about what makes waterfront regeneration a success and what role the culture-led approaches should play in the process of waterfront regeneration.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT: This article examines the politics and practice of urban cultural policy in Austin, Texas. I demonstrate how aspects of the local context frame how local government and cultural sector interests strive to initiate the direction of policy. While larger trends—such as Richard Florida's creative city thesis—influence cultural policy and planning, specific contextual factors including prior economic development and growth management policy, departmental organization, the forum for interaction between municipal actors and non‐governmental coalitions, and the character of the city's cultural economy mediate such trends to produce policy outcomes. As this case shows, contemporary urban cultural policy is not simply due to the rise of the creative city discourse, but is an evolving product of past policy structures and shaped by local institutions and actors.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT: This article addresses the linkages and barriers between civic participation and political participation in urban communities, through a qualitative case study of the attitudes of community activists in a small urban community. Robert Putnam's theoretical model of civic and political involvement suggests a strong linkage between civic engagement and political engagement, while Nina Eliasoph's model suggests substantial barriers between participation in the local civic realm and participation in the local political realm. These competing models are given a preliminary test utilizing in depth interviews with a cross section of persons who are actively involved in the civic and/or the political realms. The data confirm Putnam's assertion of the strong linkage between the two, but they suggest that the two arenas are viewed as distinct by activists and that the rewards derived from civic engagement are quite different from those of political engagement. The analysis also suggests that community activists have strongly negative views of those who do not participate and that their suggestions for involving others have limited utility. This barrier may be the strongest of all in preventing both civic and political engagement in the urban community.  相似文献   

17.
Despite privatization, many government‐linked companies (GLCs) still continue to operate in Malaysia. Many have objectives that include the redressing of ethnic economic imbalance. Government‐linked construction companies (GLCCs) were created within these larger public groups. A study was conducted to explore whether the GLCCs are still valid in Malaysia's present construction industry scenario, and if not, what actions should be taken in respect of them. Four aspects (i.e. social obligation, competitiveness, efficiency and income generation) were looked into. To answer the research questions, the viewpoints of ‘A’ Class bumiputera contractors were solicited which were then investigated on four GLCCs, three belonging to state economic development corporations (SEDCs) and one to a land development agency (LDA). The exploratory study found that three case study GLCCs have limited public value. This paper concludes by recommending changes that should be made to them. There is much that policy makers in developing countries with GLCCs can learn from the Malaysian experience. At the very least, it underscores the need to assess their raison d'être periodically. This study also hopes to encourage other scholars to look into a much under‐researched area—that of a particular set of actors commonly created to promote local construction industry development.  相似文献   

18.
Ann Light 《CoDesign》2019,15(3):192-211
ABSTRACT

If municipalities were the caring platforms of the 19-20th century sharing economy, how does care manifest in civic structures of the current period? We consider how platforms – from the local initiatives of communities transforming neighbourhoods, to the city, in the form of the local authority – are involved, trusted and/or relied on the design of shared services and amenities for the public good. We use contrasting cases of interaction between local government and civil society organisations in Sweden and the UK to explore trends in public service provision. We look at how care can manifest between state and citizens and at the roles that co-design and co-learning play in developing contextually sensitive opportunities for caring platforms. In this way, we seek to learn from platforms in transition about the importance of co-learning in political and structural contexts and make recommendations for the co-design of (digital) platforms to care with and for civil society.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT: This paper uses the “civic capacity” framework to analyze an emerging school–community reform initiative, called 24:1, focused on an inner‐ring suburban school district. Contrary to the existing literature on civic capacity, we argue that institutions strongly influence civic capacity building. A fragmented public sector and weak institutions of civil society, especially when combined with racial divisions and poverty, restrict the ability of local actors to collaborate among themselves and partner with outside institutions. Despite these daunting challenges, 24:1, led by a local nonprofit with a long history in the area and a school district with dynamic new leadership, has mobilized a diverse coalition of stakeholders and built consensus around a comprehensive plan for revitalization. But stronger indigenous institutions, as well as greater support from the business community, will be needed to sustain the initiative.  相似文献   

20.
袁忠 《华中建筑》2009,27(8):9-13
该文从我国建筑文化的研究历程出发,回顾了中国建筑与文化学术讨论会的历次活动经历,指出"中国建筑文化研究文库"一书在中国建筑界的重要地位和作用,并对文库提出展望。  相似文献   

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