Pancultural self-enhancement reloaded: A meta-analytic reply to Heine (2005).

C. Sedikides, L. Gaertner, and Y. Toguchi (2003; see record 2002-08440-007) reported findings favoring the universality of self-enhancement. S. J. Heine (2005; see record 2005-13803-005) challenged the authors' research on evidential and logical grounds. In response, the authors carried out 2 meta-analytic investigations. The results backed the C. Sedikides et al. (2003) theory and findings. Both Westerners and Easterners self-enhanced tactically. Westerners self-enhanced on attributes relevant to the cultural ideal of individualism, whereas Easterners self-enhanced on attributes relevant to the cultural ideal of collectivism (in both cases, because of the personal importance of the ideal). Self-enhancement motivation is universal, although its manifestations are strategically sensitive to cultural context. The authors respond to other aspects of Heine's critique by discussing why researchers should empirically validate the comparison dimension (individualistic vs. collectivistic) and defending why the better-than-average effect is a valid measure of self-enhancement. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Where Is the Evidence for Pancultural Self-Enhancement? A Reply to Sedikides, Gaertner, and Toguchi (2003).

C. Sedikides, L. Gaertner, and Y. Toguchi (2003; see record 2002-08440-007) maintained that the self-enhancement motivation (as defined by tendencies to view oneself in overly positive terms) is universal. The present article challenges their claim. A review of the literature revealed that many studies contradict their findings regarding the domain-specific nature of East Asian self-enhancement. It is argued that Sedikides et al. did not replicate past research because they did not measure self-enhancement in their studies. The present article provides a theoretical basis for understanding cross-cultural differences in self-enhancement and considers the question of universality by exploring 2 different conceptualizations of positive self-regard. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Differences between Taiwanese and U.S. cultural beliefs about ideal adult attachment.

Some researchers believe that important tenets of attachment theory are culturally universal, whereas others claim that key constructs are rooted in Western values and should not be generalized further. To explore possible cultural differences in adults, undergraduates from Taiwan (n = 280) and the United States (n = 268) were asked in the present study to complete a self-report measure of adult attachment, the Experiences in Close Relationships Scale (K. A. Brennan, C. L. Clark, & P. R. Shaver, 1998), as they believed "an ideally emotionally and psychologically healthy person of your own gender in your culture" would respond. Findings suggested significant differences by cultural group, gender, and Gender x Culture interactions. Taiwanese women and men endorsed more avoidance in beliefs about ideal adult attachment than their U.S. counterparts, and Taiwanese men endorsed more anxiety than U.S. men. These cultural differences were not explained by group differences in independent and interdependent self-construal. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Emotional costs of inaccurate self-assessments: Both self-effacement and self-enhancement can lead to dejection.

Despite the popularity of the idea in American culture that self-enhancement confers psychological benefits, the evidence for this idea is mixed. In the present research, we tested the contention that overly positive self-assessments could lead to psychological distress. In two correlational studies (Studies 1 and 2), we addressed some previous problems related to the measurement of self-enhancement. By measuring self-enhancement through the discrepancy between self-assessments of relative task performance and actual relative task performance, we found that self-enhancement, like self-effacement, was associated with greater vulnerability to depression. In two subsequent experiments (Studies 3 and 4), we found that leading low (or high) performers to perceive their performance as high (or low) through providing bogus performance feedback produced analogous effects on the magnitude of experienced dejection. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)     

Do collectivists know themselves better than individualists? Cross-cultural studies of the holier than thou phenomenon.

Collectivists know themselves better than individualists do, in that collectivists provide more accurate self-predictions of future behavior in situations with moral or altruistic overtones. In 3 studies, respondents from individualist cultures overestimated the likelihood that they would act generously in situations involving redistributing a reward (Study 1), donating money (Study 2), or avoiding rude behavior (Study 3), whereas collectivists were, in general, more accurate in their self-predictions. Both groups were roughly accurate in predicting the behavior of their peers. Collectivists were more accurate in their self-predictions than were individualists, even when both groups were sampled from the same cultural group (Study 4). Discussion centers on culturally specific motivations that may bias the accuracy of self-insight and social insight. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Using individualism and collectivism to compare cultures--A critique of the validity and measurement of the constructs: Comment on Oyserman et al. (2002).

Analyzing national and ethnic differences in individualism and collectivism, D. Oyserman, H. M. Coon, and M. Kemmelmeier (2002) (see record 2002-00183-001) showed that small differences in scales or samples produce markedly divergent results, challenging the validity of these constructs. The author examines the following limitations of research on individualism and collectivism: It treats nations as cultures and culture as a continuous quantitative variable; conflates all kinds of social relations and distinct types of autonomy; ignores contextual specificity in norms and values; measures culture as the personal preferences and behavior reports of individuals; rarely establishes the external validity of the measures used; assumes cultural invariance in the meaning of self-reports and anchoring and interpretation of scales; and reduces culture to explicit, abstract verbal knowledge. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Award for distinguished contributions to the international advancement of psychology: Harry C. Triandis.

Harry C. Triandis has been instrumental in establishing cross-cultural psychology as a distinct discipline within psychology. His accomplishments in this international component of the field have included major theoretical and methodological innovations as well as educational and leadership contributions. The six-volume Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology, published in 1980 under his general editorship, is widely considered an important milestone in the development of the discipline and is a testament to his stature in the field and to his unique abilities to integrate divergent perspectives from around the world. In more recent years Harry Triandis has focused on the study of cultural syndromes like individualism and collectivism. This article discusses Harry C. Triandis's life and his dedication to the field of psychology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Rethinking individualism and collectivism: Evaluation of theoretical assumptions and meta-analyses.

Are Americans more individualistic and less collectivistic than members of other groups? The authors summarize plausible psychological implications of individualism-collectivism (IND-COL), meta-analyze cross-national and within-United States IND-COL differences, and review evidence for effects of IND-COL on self-concept, well-being, cognition, and relationality. European Americans were found to be both more individualistic--valuing personal independence more--and less collectivistic--feeling duty to in-groups less--than others. However, European Americans were not more individualistic than African Americans, or Latinos, and not less collectivistic than Japanese or Koreans. Among Asians, only Chinese showed large effects, being both less individualistic and more collectivistic. Moderate IND-COL effects were found on self-concept and relationality, and large effects were found on attribution and cognitive style. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Bringing culture to basic psychological theory--Beyond individualism and collectivism: Comment on Oyserman et al. (2002).

D. Oyserman, H. M. Coon, and M. Kemmelmeier (2002) (see record 2002-00183-001) offered a comprehensive literature review on individualism and collectivism that forwards valuable suggestions for ways to enhance future research conducted within this framework. The author argues that although their criticisms of much contemporary social psychological research on individualism and collectivism are valid, even more fundamental problems need to be recognized as characterizing work within this tradition, such as the insufficiently subtle nature of the views held of culture, the limited attention given to meanings, and the downplaying of contextual variation. The author suggests adopting more nuanced and process-oriented conceptions of culture and more contextually grounded views of its impact on psychological functioning as a way of realizing the promise of cultural psychology to broaden and provide insight into basic psychological theory. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Reclaiming the individual from Hofstede's ecological analysis--A 20-year odyssey: Comment on Oyserman et al. (2002).

D. Oyserman, H. M. Coon, and M. Kemmelmeier (2002) (see record 2002-00183-001) challenge the stereotype that European Americans are more individualistic and less collectivistic than persons from most other ethnic groups. The author contends that this stereotype took firm empirical root with G. Hofstede's (1980) monumental publication identifying the United States as the most individualistic of his then 40 nations. This empirical designation arose because of challengeable decisions Hofstede made about the analysis of his data and the labeling of his dimensions. The conflation of concepts under the rubric of cultural individualism plus psychologists' unwarranted psychologizing of the construct then combined with Hofstede's empirical location of America to set a 20-year agenda for data collection. Oyserman et al disentangle and organize this mass of studies, enabling the discipline of cross-cultural psychology to forge ahead in more productive directions, less reliant on previous assumptions and measures. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Culture and basic psychological processes--Toward a system view of culture: Comment on Oyserman et al. (2002).

D. Oyserman, H. A. Coon, and M. Kemmelmeier (2002) (see record 2002-00183-001) provide a most comprehensive review of empirical studies that used attitudinal surveys to capture cultural variations in individualism and collectivism. In the present article, the author suggests that the cross-cultural validity of attitudinal surveys can no longer be taken for granted. Moreover, the meta-theory underlying this literature (called the entity view of culture) is called into question. The author presents an alterative meta-theory (called the system view of culture) and discusses its implications for future work in cultural and cross-cultural psychology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Conceptualizing and assessing self-enhancement bias: A componential approach.

Four studies implemented a componential approach to assessing self-enhancement and contrasted this approach with 2 earlier ones: social comparison (comparing self-ratings with ratings of others) and self-insight (comparing self-ratings with ratings by others). In Study 1, the authors varied the traits being rated to identify conditions that lead to more or less similarity between approaches. In Study 2, the authors examined the effects of acquaintance on the conditions identified in Study 1. In Study 3, the authors showed that using rankings renders the self-insight approach equivalent to the component-based approach but also has limitations in assessing self-enhancement. In Study 4, the authors compared the social-comparison and the component-based approaches in terms of their psychological implications; the relation between self-enhancement and adjustment depended on the self-enhancement approach used, and the positive-adjustment correlates of the social-comparison approach disappeared when the confounding influence of the target effect was controlled. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Accountability as a deterrent to self-enhancement: The search for mechanisms.

Although self-enhancement is linked to psychological benefits, it is also associated with personal and interpersonal liabilities (e.g., excessive risk taking, social exclusion). Hence, structuring social situations that prompt people to keep their self-enhancing beliefs in check can confer personal and interpersonal advantages. The authors examined whether accountability can serve this purpose. Accountability was defined as the expectation to explain, justify, and defend one's self-evaluations (grades on an essay) to another person ("audience"). Experiment 1 showed that accountability curtails self-enhancement. Experiment 2 ruled out audience concreteness and status as explanations for this effect. Experiment 3 demonstrated that accountability-induced self-enhancement reduction is due to identifiability. Experiment 4 documented that identifiability decreases self-enhancement because of evaluation expectancy and an accompanying focus on one's weaknesses. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Cultural psychology, a new look: Reply to Bond (2002), Fiske (2002), Kitayama (2002), and Miller (2002).

M. H. Bond (2002) (see record 2002-00183-002), A. P. Fiske (2002) (see record 2002-00183-003), S. Kitayama (2002) (see record 2002-00183-004), and J. G. Miller (2002) (see record 2002-00183-005) joined D. Oyserman, H. M. Coon, and M. Kemmelmeier (2002) (see record 2002-00183-001) in highlighting limitations of the individualism-collectivism model of culture. Concern is warranted; nevertheless, individualism-collectivism helps structure discourse on the influence of culture on the mind. To avoid level-of-analysis entanglements, Oyserman et al propose an integrative model that includes distal, proximal, and situated cultural features of societies and internalized models of these features, highlights the importance of subjective construal, and uses evolutionary perspectives to clarify the basic problems cultures address. Framed this way, it is clear that, depending on situational requirements, both individualism- and collectivism-focused strategies are adaptive; thus, it is likely that human minds have adapted to think both ways. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Trait self-enhancement as a buffer against potentially traumatic events: A prospective study.

Longitudinal research has associated the disposition toward self-enhancing biases with better adjustment following potentially traumatic events (PTEs). However, self-enhancement was always measured in these studies after the PTE, thus confounding it with exposure. This study used a prospective design that tracked PTEs in college students over a 4-year period using an online checklist (n = 69). Most participants experienced at least 1 PTE, and the mean number of PTEs was 4.40. Trait self-enhancement, measured at the beginning of the study and prior to the PTEs, was associated with reduced distress in both the first and fourth year of college. Participants with greater exposure to PTEs had greater distress in their fourth year; however, individuals high in self-enhancement were relatively unaffected by PTE exposure. High self-enhancement participants were also rated as better copers in anonymous ratings obtained from participants' close friends. Overall, these results offer the first prospective evidence demonstrating that self-enhancement serves as a buffer against the potentially harmful effects of trauma. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Cross-Situational Consistency of Affective Experiences Across Cultures.

This study examined cross-situational consistency of affective experiences using an experience-sampling method in Japan, India, and the United States. Participants recorded their moods and situations when signaled at random moments for 7 days. The authors examined relative (interindividual) consistency and absolute (within-person) consistency. They found stable interindividual differences of affective experiences across various situations (mean r = .52 for positive affect .51 for negative affect) and cultural invariance of the cross-situational consistency of affective experiences. Simultaneously, the authors found a considerable degree of within-person cross-situational variation in affective experiences, and cultural differences in within-person cross-situational consistency. Thus, global affective traits exist among non-Western samples, but the degree to which situations exert an influence on the absolute level of affective experience varies across cultures. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Proud Americans and lucky Japanese: Cultural differences in appraisal and corresponding emotion.

Appraisal theories of emotion propose that the emotions people experience correspond to their appraisals of their situation. In other words, individual differences in emotional experiences reflect differing interpretations of the situation. We hypothesized that in similar situations, people in individualist and collectivist cultures experience different emotions because of culturally divergent causal attributions for success and failure (i.e., agency appraisals). In a test of this hypothesis, American and Japanese participants recalled a personal experience (Study 1) or imagined themselves to be in a situation (Study 2) in which they succeeded or failed, and then reported their agency appraisals and emotions. Supporting our hypothesis, cultural differences in emotions corresponded to differences in attributions. For example, in success situations, Americans reported stronger self-agency emotions (e.g., proud) than did Japanese, whereas Japanese reported a stronger situation-agency emotion (lucky). Also, cultural differences in attribution and emotion were largely explained by differences in self-enhancing motivation. When Japanese and Americans were induced to make the same attribution (Study 2), cultural differences in emotions became either nonsignificant or were markedly reduced. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved)     

What is the relation between cultural orientation and socially desirable responding?

Research suggests that collectivists are more likely to engage in deception and socially desirable responding to maintain good relationships with others. In contrast, individualists are portrayed as candid and sincere because individualism encourages people to "be yourself." The authors propose that people with both types of cultural orientations or backgrounds engage in desirable responding, albeit in distinct ways. In Study 1, respondents from the United States compared with those from Singapore, and European Americans compared with Asian Americans, scored higher on self-deceptive enhancement (SDE)-the tendency to see oneself in a positive light and to give inflated assessment of one's skills and abilities- but lower on impression management (IM) by misrepresenting their self-reported actions to appear more normatively appropriate. In Studies 2 to 4, horizontal individualism as a cultural orientation correlated with SDE but not with IM, whereas horizontal collectivism correlated with IM but not with SDE. Further analyses examining (a) individual differences in the tendency to answer deceptively and (b) responses to behavioral scenarios shed additional light on the culturally relevant goals served by these distinct types of socially desirable responding. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Cultural syndromes and age moderate the emotional impact of illness intrusiveness in rheumatoid arthritis.

Objective: The authors investigated cultural syndromes (multidimensional vectors comprising culturally based attitudes, values, and beliefs) and age as moderators of the emotional impact of illness intrusiveness—illness-induced lifestyle disruptions—in rheumatoid arthritis (RA) and examined illness intrusiveness effects in total and separately for three life domains (relationships and personal development, intimacy, and instrumental). Research Method/Design: People with RA (n = 105) completed the Illness Intrusiveness Ratings, Individualism–Collectivism, and Center for Epidemiologic Studies—Depression scales in a one-on-one interview. Results: Controlling for disease and background characteristics, the association between illness intrusiveness (total score and the Relationships and Personal Development subscale) and distress was inverse when young adults with RA endorsed high horizontal individualism. Illness intrusiveness into intimacy was associated with increased distress, and this intensified when respondents endorsed high vertical individualism, horizontal collectivism, vertical collectivism, or low horizontal individualism. The negative emotional impact of illness intrusiveness into intimacy diminished with increasing age. Conclusion: Given an aging and increasingly pluralistic society, diversity can no longer be ignored in addressing the psychosocial impact of chronic, disabling disease. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)     

Cross-cultural differences in children's choices, categorizations, and evaluations of truths and lies.

This study examined cross-cultural differences and similarities in children's moral understanding of individual- or collective-oriented lies and truths. Seven-, 9-, and 11-year-old Canadian and Chinese children were read stories about story characters facing moral dilemmas about whether to lie or tell the truth to help a group but harm an individual or vice versa. Participants chose to lie or to tell the truth as if they were the character (Experiments 1 and 2) and categorized and evaluated the story characters' truthful and untruthful statements (Experiments 3 and 4). Most children in both cultures labeled lies as lies and truths as truths. The major cultural differences lay in choices and moral evaluations. Chinese children chose lying to help a collective but harm an individual, and they rated it less negatively than lying with opposite consequences. Chinese children rated truth telling to help an individual but harm a group less positively than the alternative. Canadian children did the opposite. These findings suggest that cross-cultural differences in emphasis on groups versus individuals affect children's choices and moral judgments about truth and deception. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)